Tuesday, December 20, 2016
Tuesday, December 6, 2016
Monday, December 5, 2016
Apple is leaving matasauka
Apple health monitoring app keyarakita team is leaving the company, according to Bloomberg iyosuki matasauka.
Information about the client's health keyarakita app is available for Apple devices. Apple's chief operating officer Jeff uiliiyamasa to resign from the organization said matasauka.
Keyarakita app using Apple's machine learning algorithms and human health awareness of the work. This app matasauka was serving as head of the research team. From there, he suddenly announced his resignation.
He wanted to know about his reasons for resigning, he did not answer e-mail requests.
Prior to joining Apple, Google, the company has worked in the Alphabet of Nest Labs. Robotics was considered to be of guidance.
Google eksa with Google Glass was part of the development. Later, as head of Apple, Apple joined keyarakita matasauka.
Apple chief Tim Cook said earlier keyarakita app, "We need to change the oil in your car, but you can verify that it is oil. Similarly, the app will tell you what you need, your body involved with. "
Matasauka resigned his place, who will be appointed the new were not informed about it.
Wednesday, November 30, 2016
অ্যাপলের ডিজিটাল লেনদেন সেবা
মার্কিন প্রযুক্তি প্রতিষ্ঠান অ্যাপলের ডিজিটাল লেনদেন সেবা নিয়ে মিলিত হয়ে দর কষাকষি করা যাবে না বলে অস্ট্রেলিয়ার ব্যাংকগুলোকে জানানো হয়েছে, মঙ্গলবার দেশটির অ্যান্টিট্রাস্ট নিয়ন্ত্রণ কর্তৃপক্ষের প্রকাশ করা এক খসড়ায় এ সিদ্ধান্ত জানানো হয়।
অস্ট্রেলিয়ান কম্পিটিশন অ্যান্ড কনজিউমার কমিশন (এসিসিসি) জানায়, অ্যাপল আইফোনের ডিজিটাল ওয়ালেট সেবা নিয়ে মিলিতভাবে প্রস্তাব দেওয়ার সুযোগ দেওয়া হলে, আলাদাভাবে একটি প্রতিষ্ঠান হিসেবে মার্কিন প্রতিষ্ঠানটির সঙ্গে আলোচনায় ব্যাংকগুলোর সামর্থ্য কমে যাবে।
অস্ট্রেলিয়ার ওই ব্যাংকগুলো আশা করে তারা অ্যাপলের ‘ইন-হাউস’ এই লেনদেন সেবা কাটিয়ে এর নিজস্ব সংস্করণ বের করবে। এরই প্রেক্ষিতে এমন সিদ্ধান্ত নেওয়া হল বলে জানিয়েছে রয়টার্স। অস্ট্রেলিয়ার স্মার্টফোন বাজারে সবচেয়ে বেশি শেয়ার অ্যাপলেরই দখলে।
ডিজিটাল ওয়ালেট সেবা চালুতে অস্ট্রেলীয় ব্যাংকগুলো প্রথম ‘চ্যালেঞ্জ’ নেয়। নতুন সিদ্ধান্তের মাধ্যমে বিশ্ববাজারে ডিজিটাল ওয়ালেট ব্যবসায় অ্যাপলের আধিপত্য শক্ত হতে পারে- এমন নজির সৃষ্টি হয়েছে বলে জানিয়েছে সংবাদমাধ্যমটি।
এসিসিসি-এর চেয়ারম্যান রড সিমস এক বিবৃতিতে বলেন, “এসিসিসি ধারণা করে ব্যাংকগুলোকে মিলিতভাবে আলোচনা ও বর্জনের সুযোগ দেওয়া হলে তাদেরকে অ্যাপলের সঙ্গে দর কষাকষিতে উন্নত অবস্থান দেওয়া হতে পারে, এর লাভ এখনও অনিশ্চিত আর হয়তো সীমাবদ্ধও।”
অ্যাপল পে এখন বিভিন্ন কার্ড সেবাদাতা প্রতিষ্ঠানের মাধ্যে কার্ড বদল গ্রাহকদের জন্য সহজ করে দিয়ে প্রতিযোগিতা বাড়াতে পারে।
কমনওয়েলথ ব্যাংক অফ অস্ট্রেলিয়া, ওয়েস্টপ্যাল ব্যাংকিং কর্পোরেশন, ন্যাশনাল অস্ট্রেলিয়া ব্যাংক লিমিটেড, বেন্ডিগো অ্যান্ড অ্যাডেলেইড ব্যাংক- এই চারটি অস্ট্রেলিয়ার ক্রেডিট কার্ড বাজারের এক তৃতীয়াংশ ধরে রেখেছে। তাদের দাবি, অ্যাপলকে মোবাইল ওয়ালেট ব্যবহার সীমাবদ্ধ করতে দেওয়াটা অপ্রতিযোগিতামূলক ছিল। কিন্তু অ্যাপলের দাবি, ডিজিটাল ওয়ালেট ব্যবসায় তৃতীয় পক্ষের অ্যাকসেস দেওয়া উচিৎ নয়, কারণ এর মাধ্যমে গ্রাহকদের প্রাইভেসি ও ডেটা নিরাপত্তা লঙ্ঘিত হবে।
মঙ্গলবার এ নিয়ে অনুরোধ করা হলেও প্রতিষ্ঠানটির প্রতিনিধিরা তাৎক্ষণিকভাবে কোনো সাড়া দেননি বলে জানিয়েছে সংবাদমাধ্যমটি।
চলতি বছর মার্চে এ বিষয়ে চূড়ান্ত সিদ্ধান্ত দেবে এসিসিসি।
Monday, November 28, 2016
Sunday, November 27, 2016
Saturday, November 26, 2016
Cuba Fidel Castro is Dead at age 90
Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz (American Spanish: [fiˈðel aleˈxandɾo ˈkastɾo ˈrus] 
audio (help·info); August 13, 1926 – November 25, 2016), commonly known as Fidel Castro, was a Cuban politician and revolutionary who governed the Republic of Cuba as Prime Minister from 1959 to 1976 and then as President from 1976 to 2008. Politically a Marxist–Leninist and Cuban nationalist, he also served as the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba from 1961 until 2011. Under his administration Cuba became a one-party socialist state; industry and business were nationalized, and state socialist reforms implemented throughout society.
Born in Birán as the son of a wealthy farmer, Castro adopted leftist anti-imperialist politics while studying law at the University of Havana. After participating in rebellions against right-wing governments in the Dominican Republic and Colombia, he planned the overthrow of Cuban President Fulgencio Batista, launching a failed attack on the Moncada Barracks in 1953. After a year's imprisonment, he traveled to Mexico where he formed a revolutionary group, the 26th of July Movement, with his brother Raúl Castro and Che Guevara. Returning to Cuba, Castro took a key role in the Cuban Revolution by leading the Movement in a guerrilla war against Batista's forces from the Sierra Maestra. After Batista's overthrow in 1959, Castro assumed military and political power as Cuba's Prime Minister. The United States was alarmed by Castro's friendly relations with the Soviet Union, and unsuccessfully attempted to remove him by assassination, economic blockade, and counter-revolution, including the Bay of Pigs invasion of 1961. Countering these threats, Castro formed an alliance with the Soviets and allowed them to place nuclear weapons on the island, sparking the Cuban Missile Crisis—a defining incident of the Cold War—in 1962.
Adopting a Marxist-Leninist model of development, Castro converted Cuba into a one-party socialist state under Communist Party rule, the first in the Western hemisphere. Reforms introducing central economic planning and expanding healthcare and education were accompanied by state control of the press and the suppression of internal dissent. Abroad, Castro supported anti-imperialist revolutionary groups, backing the establishment of Marxist governments in Chile, Nicaragua, and Grenada, and sending troops to aid allies in the Yom Kippur War, Ethio-Somali War, and Angolan Civil War. These actions, coupled with Castro's leadership of the Non-Aligned Movement from 1979–83 and Cuba's medical internationalism, increased Cuba's profile on the world stage and earned its leader great respect in the developing world. Following the Soviet Union's dissolution in 1991, Castro led Cuba into its "Special Period" and embraced environmentalist and anti-globalization ideas. In the 2000s he forged alliances in the Latin American "pink tide"—namely with Hugo Chávez's Venezuela—and signed Cuba to the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas. In 2006 he transferred his responsibilities to Vice-President Raúl Castro, who formally assumed the presidency in 2008.
Castro was a controversial and divisive world figure. He was decorated with various international awards, and his supporters laud him as a champion of socialism, anti-imperialism, and humanitarianism, whose revolutionary regime secured Cuba's independence from American imperialism. Conversely, critics view him as a totalitarian dictator whose administration oversaw multiple human-rights abuses, an exodus of more than one million Cubans, and the impoverishment of the country's economy. Through his actions and his writings, he significantly influenced the politics of various individuals and groups across the world.
Cuban Revolution
The Movement and the Moncada Barracks attack: 1952–53
In a few hours you will be victorious or defeated, but regardless of the outcome – listen well, friends – this Movement will triumph. If you win tomorrow, the aspirations of Martí will be fulfilled sooner. If we fail, our action will nevertheless set an example for the Cuban people, and from the people will arise fresh new men willing to die for Cuba. They will pick up our banner and move forward... The people will back us in Oriente and in the whole island. As in '68 and '92, here in Oriente we will give the first cry of Liberty or Death!
— Fidel Castro's speech to the Movement just before the Moncada Attack, 1953[46]
Castro formed a group called "The Movement" which operated along a clandestine cell system, publishing underground newspaper El Acusador (The Accuser), while arming and training anti-Batista recruits.[47] From July 1952 they went on a recruitment drive, gaining around 1,200 members in a year, the majority from Havana's poorer districts.[48] Although a revolutionary socialist, Castro avoided an alliance with the communist PSP, fearing it would frighten away political moderates, but kept in contact with PSP members like his brother Raúl.[49] Castro stockpiled weapons for a planned attack on the Moncada Barracks, a military garrison outside Santiago de Cuba, Oriente. Castro's militants intended to dress in army uniforms and arrive at the base on July 25, seizing control and raiding the armory before reinforcements arrived.[50] Supplied with new weaponry, Castro intended to spark a revolution among Oriente's impoverished cane cutters and promote further uprisings.[51] Castro's plan emulated those of the 19th century Cuban independence fighters who had raided Spanish barracks; Castro saw himself as the heir to independence leader José Martí.[52]
Fidel Castro under arrest after the Moncada attack, 1953 Castro gathered 165 revolutionaries for the mission,[53] ordering his troops not to cause bloodshed unless they met armed resistance.[54] The attack took place on July 26, 1953, but ran into trouble; 3 of the 16 cars that had set out from Santiago failed to get there. Reaching the barracks, the alarm was raised, with most of the rebels pinned down by machine gun fire. 4 were killed before Castro ordered a retreat.[55] The rebels suffered 6 fatalities and 15 other casualties, whilst the army suffered 19 dead and 27 wounded.[56] Meanwhile, some rebels took over a civilian hospital; subsequently stormed by government soldiers, the rebels were rounded up, tortured and 22 were executed without trial.[57] Accompanied by 19 comrades, Castro set out for Gran Piedra in therugged Sierra Maestra mountains several miles to the north, where they could establish a guerrilla base.[58] Responding to the attack, Batista's government proclaimed martial law, ordering a violent crackdown on dissent, and imposing strict media censorship.[59] The government broadcast misinformation about the event, claiming that the rebels were communists who had killed hospital patients, although news and photographs of the army's use of torture and summary executions in Oriente soon spread, causing widespread public and some governmental disapproval.[59]
Over the following days, the rebels were rounded up; some were executed and others – including Castro – transported to a prison north of Santiago.[60] Believing Castro incapable of planning the attack alone, the government accused Ortodoxo and PSP politicians of involvement, putting 122 defendants on trial on September 21 at the Palace of Justice, Santiago.[61] Acting as his own defense counsel, Castro cited Martí as the intellectual author of the attack and convinced the 3 judges to overrule the army's decision to keep all defendants handcuffed in court, proceeding to argue that the charge with which they were accused – of "organizing an uprising of armed persons against the Constitutional Powers of the State" – was incorrect, for they had risen up against Batista, who had seized power in an unconstitutional manner.[62] The trial embarrassed the army by revealing that they had tortured suspects, after which they tried unsuccessfully to prevent Castro from testifying any further, claiming he was too ill.[63] The trial ended on October 5, with the acquittal of most defendants; 55 were sentenced to prison terms of between 7 months and 13 years. Castro was sentenced on October 16, during which he delivered a speech that would be printed under the title of History Will Absolve Me.[64] Castro was sentenced to 15 years imprisonment in the hospital wing of the Model Prison (Presidio Modelo), a relatively comfortable and modern institution on the Isla de Pinos.[65]
Imprisonment and the 26th of July Movement: 1953–55
I would honestly love to revolutionize this country from one end to the other! I am sure this would bring happiness to the Cuban people. I would not be stopped by the hatred and ill will of a few thousand people, including some of my relatives, half the people I know, two-thirds of my fellow professionals, and four-fifths of my ex-schoolmates
— Fidel Castro, 1954.[66]
Imprisoned with 25 comrades, Castro renamed his group the "26th of July Movement" (MR-26-7) in memory of the Moncada attack's date, and formed a school for prisoners.[67] He read widely, enjoying the works of Marx, Lenin, and Martí but also reading books by Freud, Kant, Shakespeare, Munthe, Maugham and Dostoyevsky, analyzing them within a Marxist framework.[68] Corresponding with supporters, he maintained control over the Movement and organized the publication of History Will Absolve Me.[69] Initially permitted a relative amount of freedom within the prison, he was locked up in solitary confinement after inmates sang anti-Batista songs on a visit by the President in February 1954.[70] Meanwhile, Castro's wife Mirta gained employment in the Ministry of the Interior, something he discovered through a radio announcement. Appalled, he raged that he would rather die "a thousand times" than "suffer impotently from such an insult".[71] Both Fidel and Mirta initiated divorce proceedings, with Mirta taking custody of their son Fidelito; this angered Castro, who did not want his son growing up in a bourgeois environment.[71]
audio (help·info); August 13, 1926 – November 25, 2016), commonly known as Fidel Castro, was a Cuban politician and revolutionary who governed the Republic of Cuba as Prime Minister from 1959 to 1976 and then as President from 1976 to 2008. Politically a Marxist–Leninist and Cuban nationalist, he also served as the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba from 1961 until 2011. Under his administration Cuba became a one-party socialist state; industry and business were nationalized, and state socialist reforms implemented throughout society. Born in Birán as the son of a wealthy farmer, Castro adopted leftist anti-imperialist politics while studying law at the University of Havana. After participating in rebellions against right-wing governments in the Dominican Republic and Colombia, he planned the overthrow of Cuban President Fulgencio Batista, launching a failed attack on the Moncada Barracks in 1953. After a year's imprisonment, he traveled to Mexico where he formed a revolutionary group, the 26th of July Movement, with his brother Raúl Castro and Che Guevara. Returning to Cuba, Castro took a key role in the Cuban Revolution by leading the Movement in a guerrilla war against Batista's forces from the Sierra Maestra. After Batista's overthrow in 1959, Castro assumed military and political power as Cuba's Prime Minister. The United States was alarmed by Castro's friendly relations with the Soviet Union, and unsuccessfully attempted to remove him by assassination, economic blockade, and counter-revolution, including the Bay of Pigs invasion of 1961. Countering these threats, Castro formed an alliance with the Soviets and allowed them to place nuclear weapons on the island, sparking the Cuban Missile Crisis—a defining incident of the Cold War—in 1962.
Adopting a Marxist-Leninist model of development, Castro converted Cuba into a one-party socialist state under Communist Party rule, the first in the Western hemisphere. Reforms introducing central economic planning and expanding healthcare and education were accompanied by state control of the press and the suppression of internal dissent. Abroad, Castro supported anti-imperialist revolutionary groups, backing the establishment of Marxist governments in Chile, Nicaragua, and Grenada, and sending troops to aid allies in the Yom Kippur War, Ethio-Somali War, and Angolan Civil War. These actions, coupled with Castro's leadership of the Non-Aligned Movement from 1979–83 and Cuba's medical internationalism, increased Cuba's profile on the world stage and earned its leader great respect in the developing world. Following the Soviet Union's dissolution in 1991, Castro led Cuba into its "Special Period" and embraced environmentalist and anti-globalization ideas. In the 2000s he forged alliances in the Latin American "pink tide"—namely with Hugo Chávez's Venezuela—and signed Cuba to the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas. In 2006 he transferred his responsibilities to Vice-President Raúl Castro, who formally assumed the presidency in 2008.
Castro was a controversial and divisive world figure. He was decorated with various international awards, and his supporters laud him as a champion of socialism, anti-imperialism, and humanitarianism, whose revolutionary regime secured Cuba's independence from American imperialism. Conversely, critics view him as a totalitarian dictator whose administration oversaw multiple human-rights abuses, an exodus of more than one million Cubans, and the impoverishment of the country's economy. Through his actions and his writings, he significantly influenced the politics of various individuals and groups across the world.
Cuban Revolution
The Movement and the Moncada Barracks attack: 1952–53
In a few hours you will be victorious or defeated, but regardless of the outcome – listen well, friends – this Movement will triumph. If you win tomorrow, the aspirations of Martí will be fulfilled sooner. If we fail, our action will nevertheless set an example for the Cuban people, and from the people will arise fresh new men willing to die for Cuba. They will pick up our banner and move forward... The people will back us in Oriente and in the whole island. As in '68 and '92, here in Oriente we will give the first cry of Liberty or Death!
— Fidel Castro's speech to the Movement just before the Moncada Attack, 1953[46]
Castro formed a group called "The Movement" which operated along a clandestine cell system, publishing underground newspaper El Acusador (The Accuser), while arming and training anti-Batista recruits.[47] From July 1952 they went on a recruitment drive, gaining around 1,200 members in a year, the majority from Havana's poorer districts.[48] Although a revolutionary socialist, Castro avoided an alliance with the communist PSP, fearing it would frighten away political moderates, but kept in contact with PSP members like his brother Raúl.[49] Castro stockpiled weapons for a planned attack on the Moncada Barracks, a military garrison outside Santiago de Cuba, Oriente. Castro's militants intended to dress in army uniforms and arrive at the base on July 25, seizing control and raiding the armory before reinforcements arrived.[50] Supplied with new weaponry, Castro intended to spark a revolution among Oriente's impoverished cane cutters and promote further uprisings.[51] Castro's plan emulated those of the 19th century Cuban independence fighters who had raided Spanish barracks; Castro saw himself as the heir to independence leader José Martí.[52]
Fidel Castro under arrest after the Moncada attack, 1953 Castro gathered 165 revolutionaries for the mission,[53] ordering his troops not to cause bloodshed unless they met armed resistance.[54] The attack took place on July 26, 1953, but ran into trouble; 3 of the 16 cars that had set out from Santiago failed to get there. Reaching the barracks, the alarm was raised, with most of the rebels pinned down by machine gun fire. 4 were killed before Castro ordered a retreat.[55] The rebels suffered 6 fatalities and 15 other casualties, whilst the army suffered 19 dead and 27 wounded.[56] Meanwhile, some rebels took over a civilian hospital; subsequently stormed by government soldiers, the rebels were rounded up, tortured and 22 were executed without trial.[57] Accompanied by 19 comrades, Castro set out for Gran Piedra in therugged Sierra Maestra mountains several miles to the north, where they could establish a guerrilla base.[58] Responding to the attack, Batista's government proclaimed martial law, ordering a violent crackdown on dissent, and imposing strict media censorship.[59] The government broadcast misinformation about the event, claiming that the rebels were communists who had killed hospital patients, although news and photographs of the army's use of torture and summary executions in Oriente soon spread, causing widespread public and some governmental disapproval.[59]
Over the following days, the rebels were rounded up; some were executed and others – including Castro – transported to a prison north of Santiago.[60] Believing Castro incapable of planning the attack alone, the government accused Ortodoxo and PSP politicians of involvement, putting 122 defendants on trial on September 21 at the Palace of Justice, Santiago.[61] Acting as his own defense counsel, Castro cited Martí as the intellectual author of the attack and convinced the 3 judges to overrule the army's decision to keep all defendants handcuffed in court, proceeding to argue that the charge with which they were accused – of "organizing an uprising of armed persons against the Constitutional Powers of the State" – was incorrect, for they had risen up against Batista, who had seized power in an unconstitutional manner.[62] The trial embarrassed the army by revealing that they had tortured suspects, after which they tried unsuccessfully to prevent Castro from testifying any further, claiming he was too ill.[63] The trial ended on October 5, with the acquittal of most defendants; 55 were sentenced to prison terms of between 7 months and 13 years. Castro was sentenced on October 16, during which he delivered a speech that would be printed under the title of History Will Absolve Me.[64] Castro was sentenced to 15 years imprisonment in the hospital wing of the Model Prison (Presidio Modelo), a relatively comfortable and modern institution on the Isla de Pinos.[65]
Imprisonment and the 26th of July Movement: 1953–55
I would honestly love to revolutionize this country from one end to the other! I am sure this would bring happiness to the Cuban people. I would not be stopped by the hatred and ill will of a few thousand people, including some of my relatives, half the people I know, two-thirds of my fellow professionals, and four-fifths of my ex-schoolmates
— Fidel Castro, 1954.[66]
Imprisoned with 25 comrades, Castro renamed his group the "26th of July Movement" (MR-26-7) in memory of the Moncada attack's date, and formed a school for prisoners.[67] He read widely, enjoying the works of Marx, Lenin, and Martí but also reading books by Freud, Kant, Shakespeare, Munthe, Maugham and Dostoyevsky, analyzing them within a Marxist framework.[68] Corresponding with supporters, he maintained control over the Movement and organized the publication of History Will Absolve Me.[69] Initially permitted a relative amount of freedom within the prison, he was locked up in solitary confinement after inmates sang anti-Batista songs on a visit by the President in February 1954.[70] Meanwhile, Castro's wife Mirta gained employment in the Ministry of the Interior, something he discovered through a radio announcement. Appalled, he raged that he would rather die "a thousand times" than "suffer impotently from such an insult".[71] Both Fidel and Mirta initiated divorce proceedings, with Mirta taking custody of their son Fidelito; this angered Castro, who did not want his son growing up in a bourgeois environment.[71]
Friday, September 23, 2016
Thursday, June 16, 2016
Wednesday, June 15, 2016
Monday, June 13, 2016
Wednesday, June 8, 2016
Sunday, June 5, 2016
Monday, May 23, 2016
Friday, May 20, 2016
Tuesday, March 8, 2016
Father of the Nation(The Unfinished Memoirs)
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান Shekh Mujibur Rôhman) (17 March 1920 – 15 August 1975) was the founding leader ofBangladesh. He was the head of state (President) of the Provisional Government of Bangladesh and became the Prime Minister of Bangladesh in 1972. He is popularly referred to as Sheikh Mujib or simply Mujib, with the honorary title of Bangabandhu (বঙ্গবন্ধু Bôngobondhu, "Friend of Bengal"). He is also known as the Father of the Nation (Bengali: জাতির জনক) of Bangladesh. His daughter Sheikh Hasina is the current Prime Minister of Bangladesh.
Mujib was born in Bengal during the British Raj in 1920. He studied in Islamia College (Calcutta) and University of Dhaka; and was a confidant of A. K. Fazlul Huq and H. S. Suhrawardy. As a student leader, he rose within the ranks of the Awami League as a charismatic and forceful orator. An advocate ofsocialism, he became popular for his opposition to the ethnic and institutional discrimination of Bengalis in the new state of Pakistan. At the heightening of sectional tensions in 1966, he outlined a six-point autonomy plan. He strongly opposed the military dictatorship of the West Pakistani Field Marshal Ayub Khan and was often jailed for his political beliefs.
Mujib led the Awami League to win the first democratic election of Pakistan in 1970. Despite gaining a majority, the League was not invited to form a government. As mass protests erupted across East Pakistan demanding self-determination, Mujib envisioned a struggle for independence during alandmark speech on 7 March 1971. He announced a civil disobediencemovement to press for convening the National Assembly. On 26 March 1971, the Pakistan Army launched Operation Searchlight to suppress the tide ofBengali nationalism. Mujib was arrested and flown to military custody in West Pakistan. The Bangladesh Liberation War began as a declaration of independence was proclaimed on his behalf by Major Ziaur Rahman. Lasting for nine months, the liberation war ended on 16 December 1971 with thesurrender of Pakistan to Bangladesh-India Allied Forces. Under international pressure, Pakistan released Mujib on 8 January 1972, after which he was flown by the Royal Air Force to a million-strong jubilant homecoming in Dhaka.
As Prime Minister in post-independence Bangladesh, Mujib struggled as an administrator. Despite adopting a constitution proclaiming a secular democracy, the country faced challenges of rampant unemployment, poverty and corruption. A famine took place in 1974. Mujib led Bangladesh to join theCommonwealth and the OIC. Amid rising political agitation in 1975, he established a one party state, assumed the presidency and curtailed freedom of the press. On 15 August 1975, Mujib and most of his family wereassassinated by renegade army officers during a military coup. The country was brought under a military-backed political regime, which lasted until the restoration of parliamentary democracy in 1990.
Early life
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was born in Tungipara, a village in Gopalganj District in the province of Bengal in British India, to Sheikh Lutfur Rahman, a serestadar, an officer responsible for record-keeping at the Gopalganj civil court. He was born into a native Bengali family as the third child in a family of four daughters and two sons. In 1929, Mujib entered into class three at Gopalganj Public School, and two years later, class four at Madaripur Islamia High School.However, Mujib withdrew from school in 1934 to undergo eye surgery, and returned to school only after four years, owing to the severity of the surgery and slow recovery.[citation needed] At the age of eighteen, Mujib married Sheikh Fazilatunnesa Mujib. Together they had two daughters—Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana—and three sons—Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal, and Sheikh Rasel.
Mujib became politically active when he joined the All India Muslim Students Federation in 1940.He enrolled at the Islamia College (now Maulana Azad College), a well-respected college affiliated to the University of Calcutta to study law, and entered student politics there.
He joined the Bengal Muslim League in 1943. During this period, Mujib worked actively for the League's cause of a separate Muslim state of Pakistan, and in 1946 he went on to become general secretary of the Islamia College Students Union. M. Bhaskaran Nair describes that Rahman "emerged as the most powerful man in the party" because of his proximity to Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy.
After obtaining his degree in 1947, Mujib was one of the Muslim politicians working under Suhrawardy during the communal violence that broke out in Calcutta, in 1946, just before the partition of India.
After the Partition of India, Rahman chose to stay in the newly created Pakistan. On his return to what became known as East Pakistan, he enrolled in the University of Dhaka to study law and founded the East Pakistan Muslim Students' League. He became one of the most prominent student political leaders in the province. During these years, Mujib developed an affinity for socialism as the solution to mass poverty, unemployment and poor living conditions.[citation needed] On 26 January 1949 the government announced that Urdu would be the only official state language of Pakistan, although Bengali was the majority language in Eas
Early political careerSee also: Bengali t Pakistan. Though still in jail, Mujib encouraged fellow activist groups to launch strikes and protests; he undertook a hunger strike for 13 days.[citation needed]
Following the declaration of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the province chief minister Khwaja Nazimuddin in 1948 that the people of East Bengal would have to adopt Urdu as the state language, protests broke out amongst the population. Mujib led the Muslim Students' League in organising strikes and protests, and was arrested along with Khaleque Nawaz Khan and Shamsul Haque by police on 11 March.[7][8] The sustained protest from students and political activists led to the immediate release of Mujib and the others. Mujib was expelled from the university and arrested again in 1949 for attempting to organise the menial and clerical staff in an agitation over workers' rights.
Language Movement
Rahman in 1950
Mujib left the Muslim League to join Suhrawardy, Maulana Bhashani and Yar Mohammad Khan in the formation of the Awami Muslim League, the predecessor of the Awami League. He was elected joint secretary of its East Bengal unit in 1949. While Suhrawardy worked to build a larger coalition of East Bengali and socialist parties, Mujib focused on expanding the grassroots organisation.[citation needed] In 1953, he was made the party's general secretary, and elected to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly on a United Front coalition ticket in 1954.[citation needed] Serving briefly as the minister for agriculture during A. K. Fazlul Huq's government, Mujib was briefly arrested for organising a protest of the central government's decision to dismiss the United Front ministry.
He was elected to the second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and served from 1955 to 1958.The government proposed to dissolve the provinces in favour of an amalgamation of the western provinces of the Dominion of Pakistan in a plan called One Unit; at the same time the central government would be strengthened. Under One Unit, the western provinces were merged as West Pakistan during the creation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in 1956. That year East Bengal was renamed as East Pakistan as part of One Unit at the same time. Mujib demanded that the Bengali people's ethnic identity be respected and that a popular verdict should decide the question of naming and of official language:
Sir [President of the Constituent Assembly], you will see that they want to place the word "East Pakistan" instead of "East Bengal." We had demanded so many times that you should use Bengal instead of Pakistan. The word "Bengal" has a history, has a tradition of its own. You can change it only after the people have been consulted. So far as the question of One Unit is concerned it can come in the constitution. Why do you want it to be taken up just now? What about the state language, Bengali? We will be prepared to consider one-unit with all these things. So I appeal to my friends on that side to allow the people to give their verdict in any way, in the form of referendum or in the form of plebiscite.
In 1956, Mujib entered a second coalition government as minister of industries, commerce, labour, anti-corruption and village aid. He resigned in 1957 to work full-time for the party organisation.
In 1958 General Ayub Khan suspended the constitution and imposed martial law. Mujib was arrested for organising resistance and imprisoned till 1961. After his release from prison, Mujib started organising an underground political body called the Swadhin Bangal Biplobi Parishad (Free Bangla Revolutionary Council), comprising student leaders, to oppose the regime of Ayub Khan. They worked for increased political power for Bengalis and the independence of East Pakistan. He was briefly arrested again in 1962 for organising protests.
Leader of Pakistan
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Announcing 6 Points At Lahore
Main article: Six point movement
Following Suhrawardy's death in 1963, Mujib came to head the Awami League, which became one of the largest political parties in Pakistan.[citation needed] The party had dropped the word "Muslim" from its name in a shift towards secularism and a broader appeal to non-Muslim communities. Mujib was one of the key leaders to rally opposition to President Ayub Khan's Basic Democracies plan, the imposition of martial law and the one-unit scheme, which centralised power and merged the provinces. Working with other political parties, he supported opposition candidate Fatima Jinnah against Ayub Khan in the 1964 election. Mujib was arrested two weeks before the election, charged with sedition and jailed for a year.In these years, there was rising discontent in East Pakistan over the atrocities committed by the Pakistani Armed Forces against Bengalis and the neglect of the issues and needs of East Pakistan by the ruling regime. Despite forming a majority of the population, the Bengalis were poorly represented in Pakistan's civil services, police and military.There were also conflicts between the allocation of revenues and taxation. The 1965 war between India and Pakistan also revealed the markable vulnerability of East Pakistan compared to West Pakistan.
Unrest over continuing denial of democracy spread across Pakistan and Mujib intensified his opposition to the disbandment of provinces. In 1966, Mujib proclaimed a 6-point plan titled Our Charter of Survival at a national conference of opposition political parties at Lahore, in which he demanded self-government and considerable political, economic and defence autonomy for East Pakistan in a Pakistani federation with a weak central government. According to his plan:
The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.
The federal government should deal with only two subjects: defence and foreign affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall be vested in the federating states.
Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate banking reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan.
The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units and the federal centre will have no such power. The federation will be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures.
There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries.
East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary forces.
Mujib's points catalysed public support across East Pakistan, launching what some historians have termed the 6-point movement – recognised as the definitive gambit for autonomy and rights of Bengalis in Pakistan.[citation needed] Mujib obtained the broad support of Bengalis, including the Hindu and other religious communities in East Pakistan. However, his demands were considered radical in West Pakistan and interpreted as thinly veiled separatism. The proposals alienated West Pakistani people and politicians, as well as non-Bengalis and Muslim fundamentalists in East Pakistan
Mujib was arrested by the army and after two years in jail, an official sedition trial in a military court opened. Widely known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case, Mujib and 34 Bengali military officers were accused by the government of colluding with Indian government agents in a scheme to divide Pakistan and threaten its unity, order and national security. The plot was alleged to have been planned in the city of Agartala, in the Indian state of Tripura. The outcry and unrest over Mujib's arrest and the charge of sedition against him destabilised East Pakistan amidst large protests and strikes. Various Bengali political and student groups added demands to address the issues of students, workers and the poor, forming a larger "11-point plan." The government caved to the mounting pressure, dropped the charges on February 22, 1969 and unconditionally released Mujib the following day. He returned to East Pakistan as a public hero. He was given a mass reception on February 23, at Racecourse ground and conferred with the title 'Bangabandhu', meaning 'Friend of the Bengal'.
Joining an all-parties conference convened by Ayub Khan in 1969, Mujib demanded the acceptance of his six points and the demands of other political parties and walked out following its rejection. On 5 December 1969 Mujib made a declaration at a public meeting held to observe the death anniversary of Suhrawardy that henceforth East Pakistan would be called "Bangladesh":
There was a time when all efforts were made to erase the word "Bangla" from this land and its map. The existence of the word "Bangla" was found nowhere except in the term Bay of Bengal. I on behalf of Pakistan announce today that this land will be called "Bangladesh" instead of East Pakistan.
Mujib's declaration heightened tensions across the country. The West Pakistani politicians and the military began to see him as a separatist leader. His assertion of Bengali cultural and ethnic identity also re-defined the debate over regional autonomy. Many scholars and observers believed the Bengali agitation emphasised the rejection of the Two-Nation Theory – the case upon which Pakistan had been created – by asserting the ethno-cultural identity of Bengalis as a nation. Mujib was able to galvanise support throughout East Pakistan, which was home to a majority of the national population, thus making him one of the most powerful political figures in the Indian subcontinent. It was following his 6-point plan that Mujib was increasingly referred to by his supporters as "Bangabandhu" (literally meaning "Friend of Bengal" in Bengali).
1970 Elections and Independence
A major coastal cyclone struck East Pakistan on 12 November 1970, leaving hundreds of thousands dead and millions displaced. Bengalis were outraged and unrest began because of what was considered the weak and ineffective response of the central government to the disaster.Public opinion and political parties in East Pakistan blamed the governing authorities as intentionally negligent. The West Pakistani politicians attacked the Awami League for allegedly using the crisis for political gain. The dissatisfaction led to divisions within the civil services, police and Pakistani Armed Forces.
In the Pakistani general elections held on 7 December 1970, the Awami League under Mujib's leadership won a massive majority in the provincial legislature, and all but two of East Pakistan's quota of seats in the new National Assembly, thus forming a clear majority.
The largest and most successful party in the western wing of the nation was the Pakistan Peoples Party headed by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. He was completely opposed to Mujib's demand for greater autonomy. Bhutto threatened to boycott the assembly and oppose the government if Mujib was invited by Yahya Khan (then president of Pakistan) to form the next government and demanded inclusion of the PPP. Much of the Pakistani military and the Islamic political parties opposed Mujib's becoming Pakistan's prime minister. At the time neither Mujib nor the Awami League had explicitly advocated political independence for East Pakistan, but smaller nationalist groups were demanding independence for Bangladesh.
Bhutto feared civil war, and sent a secret message to Mujib and his inner circle to arrange a meeting with them. Hassan met with Mujib and persuaded him to form a coalition government with Bhutto. They decided that Bhutto would serve as President, with Mujib as Prime minister. These developments took place secretly and none of the Pakistan Armed Forces personnel were kept informed. Meanwhile, Bhutto increased the pressure on Yahya Khan to take a stand on dissolving the government.
Liberation War, 1971
See also: 7th March Speech of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
Following political deadlock, Yahya Khan delayed the convening of the assembly – a move seen by Bengalis as a plan to deny Mujib's party, which formed a majority, from taking charge. It was on 7 March 1971 that Mujib called for independence and asked the people to launch a major campaign of civil disobedience and organised armed resistance at a mass gathering of people held at the Race Course Ground in Dhaka.
The struggle now is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle now is the struggle for our independence. Joy Bangla!..Since we have given blood, we will give more blood. God-willing, the people of this country will be liberated ... Turn every house into a fort. Face (the enemy) with whatever you have.
Mujib was born in Bengal during the British Raj in 1920. He studied in Islamia College (Calcutta) and University of Dhaka; and was a confidant of A. K. Fazlul Huq and H. S. Suhrawardy. As a student leader, he rose within the ranks of the Awami League as a charismatic and forceful orator. An advocate ofsocialism, he became popular for his opposition to the ethnic and institutional discrimination of Bengalis in the new state of Pakistan. At the heightening of sectional tensions in 1966, he outlined a six-point autonomy plan. He strongly opposed the military dictatorship of the West Pakistani Field Marshal Ayub Khan and was often jailed for his political beliefs.
Mujib led the Awami League to win the first democratic election of Pakistan in 1970. Despite gaining a majority, the League was not invited to form a government. As mass protests erupted across East Pakistan demanding self-determination, Mujib envisioned a struggle for independence during alandmark speech on 7 March 1971. He announced a civil disobediencemovement to press for convening the National Assembly. On 26 March 1971, the Pakistan Army launched Operation Searchlight to suppress the tide ofBengali nationalism. Mujib was arrested and flown to military custody in West Pakistan. The Bangladesh Liberation War began as a declaration of independence was proclaimed on his behalf by Major Ziaur Rahman. Lasting for nine months, the liberation war ended on 16 December 1971 with thesurrender of Pakistan to Bangladesh-India Allied Forces. Under international pressure, Pakistan released Mujib on 8 January 1972, after which he was flown by the Royal Air Force to a million-strong jubilant homecoming in Dhaka.
As Prime Minister in post-independence Bangladesh, Mujib struggled as an administrator. Despite adopting a constitution proclaiming a secular democracy, the country faced challenges of rampant unemployment, poverty and corruption. A famine took place in 1974. Mujib led Bangladesh to join theCommonwealth and the OIC. Amid rising political agitation in 1975, he established a one party state, assumed the presidency and curtailed freedom of the press. On 15 August 1975, Mujib and most of his family wereassassinated by renegade army officers during a military coup. The country was brought under a military-backed political regime, which lasted until the restoration of parliamentary democracy in 1990.
Early life
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was born in Tungipara, a village in Gopalganj District in the province of Bengal in British India, to Sheikh Lutfur Rahman, a serestadar, an officer responsible for record-keeping at the Gopalganj civil court. He was born into a native Bengali family as the third child in a family of four daughters and two sons. In 1929, Mujib entered into class three at Gopalganj Public School, and two years later, class four at Madaripur Islamia High School.However, Mujib withdrew from school in 1934 to undergo eye surgery, and returned to school only after four years, owing to the severity of the surgery and slow recovery.[citation needed] At the age of eighteen, Mujib married Sheikh Fazilatunnesa Mujib. Together they had two daughters—Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana—and three sons—Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal, and Sheikh Rasel.
Mujib became politically active when he joined the All India Muslim Students Federation in 1940.He enrolled at the Islamia College (now Maulana Azad College), a well-respected college affiliated to the University of Calcutta to study law, and entered student politics there.
He joined the Bengal Muslim League in 1943. During this period, Mujib worked actively for the League's cause of a separate Muslim state of Pakistan, and in 1946 he went on to become general secretary of the Islamia College Students Union. M. Bhaskaran Nair describes that Rahman "emerged as the most powerful man in the party" because of his proximity to Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy.
After obtaining his degree in 1947, Mujib was one of the Muslim politicians working under Suhrawardy during the communal violence that broke out in Calcutta, in 1946, just before the partition of India.
After the Partition of India, Rahman chose to stay in the newly created Pakistan. On his return to what became known as East Pakistan, he enrolled in the University of Dhaka to study law and founded the East Pakistan Muslim Students' League. He became one of the most prominent student political leaders in the province. During these years, Mujib developed an affinity for socialism as the solution to mass poverty, unemployment and poor living conditions.[citation needed] On 26 January 1949 the government announced that Urdu would be the only official state language of Pakistan, although Bengali was the majority language in Eas
Early political careerSee also: Bengali t Pakistan. Though still in jail, Mujib encouraged fellow activist groups to launch strikes and protests; he undertook a hunger strike for 13 days.[citation needed]
Following the declaration of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the province chief minister Khwaja Nazimuddin in 1948 that the people of East Bengal would have to adopt Urdu as the state language, protests broke out amongst the population. Mujib led the Muslim Students' League in organising strikes and protests, and was arrested along with Khaleque Nawaz Khan and Shamsul Haque by police on 11 March.[7][8] The sustained protest from students and political activists led to the immediate release of Mujib and the others. Mujib was expelled from the university and arrested again in 1949 for attempting to organise the menial and clerical staff in an agitation over workers' rights.
Language Movement
Rahman in 1950
Mujib left the Muslim League to join Suhrawardy, Maulana Bhashani and Yar Mohammad Khan in the formation of the Awami Muslim League, the predecessor of the Awami League. He was elected joint secretary of its East Bengal unit in 1949. While Suhrawardy worked to build a larger coalition of East Bengali and socialist parties, Mujib focused on expanding the grassroots organisation.[citation needed] In 1953, he was made the party's general secretary, and elected to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly on a United Front coalition ticket in 1954.[citation needed] Serving briefly as the minister for agriculture during A. K. Fazlul Huq's government, Mujib was briefly arrested for organising a protest of the central government's decision to dismiss the United Front ministry.
He was elected to the second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and served from 1955 to 1958.The government proposed to dissolve the provinces in favour of an amalgamation of the western provinces of the Dominion of Pakistan in a plan called One Unit; at the same time the central government would be strengthened. Under One Unit, the western provinces were merged as West Pakistan during the creation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in 1956. That year East Bengal was renamed as East Pakistan as part of One Unit at the same time. Mujib demanded that the Bengali people's ethnic identity be respected and that a popular verdict should decide the question of naming and of official language:
Sir [President of the Constituent Assembly], you will see that they want to place the word "East Pakistan" instead of "East Bengal." We had demanded so many times that you should use Bengal instead of Pakistan. The word "Bengal" has a history, has a tradition of its own. You can change it only after the people have been consulted. So far as the question of One Unit is concerned it can come in the constitution. Why do you want it to be taken up just now? What about the state language, Bengali? We will be prepared to consider one-unit with all these things. So I appeal to my friends on that side to allow the people to give their verdict in any way, in the form of referendum or in the form of plebiscite.
In 1956, Mujib entered a second coalition government as minister of industries, commerce, labour, anti-corruption and village aid. He resigned in 1957 to work full-time for the party organisation.
In 1958 General Ayub Khan suspended the constitution and imposed martial law. Mujib was arrested for organising resistance and imprisoned till 1961. After his release from prison, Mujib started organising an underground political body called the Swadhin Bangal Biplobi Parishad (Free Bangla Revolutionary Council), comprising student leaders, to oppose the regime of Ayub Khan. They worked for increased political power for Bengalis and the independence of East Pakistan. He was briefly arrested again in 1962 for organising protests.
Leader of Pakistan
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Announcing 6 Points At Lahore
Main article: Six point movement
Following Suhrawardy's death in 1963, Mujib came to head the Awami League, which became one of the largest political parties in Pakistan.[citation needed] The party had dropped the word "Muslim" from its name in a shift towards secularism and a broader appeal to non-Muslim communities. Mujib was one of the key leaders to rally opposition to President Ayub Khan's Basic Democracies plan, the imposition of martial law and the one-unit scheme, which centralised power and merged the provinces. Working with other political parties, he supported opposition candidate Fatima Jinnah against Ayub Khan in the 1964 election. Mujib was arrested two weeks before the election, charged with sedition and jailed for a year.In these years, there was rising discontent in East Pakistan over the atrocities committed by the Pakistani Armed Forces against Bengalis and the neglect of the issues and needs of East Pakistan by the ruling regime. Despite forming a majority of the population, the Bengalis were poorly represented in Pakistan's civil services, police and military.There were also conflicts between the allocation of revenues and taxation. The 1965 war between India and Pakistan also revealed the markable vulnerability of East Pakistan compared to West Pakistan.
Unrest over continuing denial of democracy spread across Pakistan and Mujib intensified his opposition to the disbandment of provinces. In 1966, Mujib proclaimed a 6-point plan titled Our Charter of Survival at a national conference of opposition political parties at Lahore, in which he demanded self-government and considerable political, economic and defence autonomy for East Pakistan in a Pakistani federation with a weak central government. According to his plan:
The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.
The federal government should deal with only two subjects: defence and foreign affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall be vested in the federating states.
Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate banking reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan.
The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units and the federal centre will have no such power. The federation will be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures.
There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries.
East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary forces.
Mujib's points catalysed public support across East Pakistan, launching what some historians have termed the 6-point movement – recognised as the definitive gambit for autonomy and rights of Bengalis in Pakistan.[citation needed] Mujib obtained the broad support of Bengalis, including the Hindu and other religious communities in East Pakistan. However, his demands were considered radical in West Pakistan and interpreted as thinly veiled separatism. The proposals alienated West Pakistani people and politicians, as well as non-Bengalis and Muslim fundamentalists in East Pakistan
Mujib was arrested by the army and after two years in jail, an official sedition trial in a military court opened. Widely known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case, Mujib and 34 Bengali military officers were accused by the government of colluding with Indian government agents in a scheme to divide Pakistan and threaten its unity, order and national security. The plot was alleged to have been planned in the city of Agartala, in the Indian state of Tripura. The outcry and unrest over Mujib's arrest and the charge of sedition against him destabilised East Pakistan amidst large protests and strikes. Various Bengali political and student groups added demands to address the issues of students, workers and the poor, forming a larger "11-point plan." The government caved to the mounting pressure, dropped the charges on February 22, 1969 and unconditionally released Mujib the following day. He returned to East Pakistan as a public hero. He was given a mass reception on February 23, at Racecourse ground and conferred with the title 'Bangabandhu', meaning 'Friend of the Bengal'.
Joining an all-parties conference convened by Ayub Khan in 1969, Mujib demanded the acceptance of his six points and the demands of other political parties and walked out following its rejection. On 5 December 1969 Mujib made a declaration at a public meeting held to observe the death anniversary of Suhrawardy that henceforth East Pakistan would be called "Bangladesh":
There was a time when all efforts were made to erase the word "Bangla" from this land and its map. The existence of the word "Bangla" was found nowhere except in the term Bay of Bengal. I on behalf of Pakistan announce today that this land will be called "Bangladesh" instead of East Pakistan.
Mujib's declaration heightened tensions across the country. The West Pakistani politicians and the military began to see him as a separatist leader. His assertion of Bengali cultural and ethnic identity also re-defined the debate over regional autonomy. Many scholars and observers believed the Bengali agitation emphasised the rejection of the Two-Nation Theory – the case upon which Pakistan had been created – by asserting the ethno-cultural identity of Bengalis as a nation. Mujib was able to galvanise support throughout East Pakistan, which was home to a majority of the national population, thus making him one of the most powerful political figures in the Indian subcontinent. It was following his 6-point plan that Mujib was increasingly referred to by his supporters as "Bangabandhu" (literally meaning "Friend of Bengal" in Bengali).
1970 Elections and Independence
A major coastal cyclone struck East Pakistan on 12 November 1970, leaving hundreds of thousands dead and millions displaced. Bengalis were outraged and unrest began because of what was considered the weak and ineffective response of the central government to the disaster.Public opinion and political parties in East Pakistan blamed the governing authorities as intentionally negligent. The West Pakistani politicians attacked the Awami League for allegedly using the crisis for political gain. The dissatisfaction led to divisions within the civil services, police and Pakistani Armed Forces.
In the Pakistani general elections held on 7 December 1970, the Awami League under Mujib's leadership won a massive majority in the provincial legislature, and all but two of East Pakistan's quota of seats in the new National Assembly, thus forming a clear majority.
The largest and most successful party in the western wing of the nation was the Pakistan Peoples Party headed by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. He was completely opposed to Mujib's demand for greater autonomy. Bhutto threatened to boycott the assembly and oppose the government if Mujib was invited by Yahya Khan (then president of Pakistan) to form the next government and demanded inclusion of the PPP. Much of the Pakistani military and the Islamic political parties opposed Mujib's becoming Pakistan's prime minister. At the time neither Mujib nor the Awami League had explicitly advocated political independence for East Pakistan, but smaller nationalist groups were demanding independence for Bangladesh.
Bhutto feared civil war, and sent a secret message to Mujib and his inner circle to arrange a meeting with them. Hassan met with Mujib and persuaded him to form a coalition government with Bhutto. They decided that Bhutto would serve as President, with Mujib as Prime minister. These developments took place secretly and none of the Pakistan Armed Forces personnel were kept informed. Meanwhile, Bhutto increased the pressure on Yahya Khan to take a stand on dissolving the government.
Liberation War, 1971
See also: 7th March Speech of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
Following political deadlock, Yahya Khan delayed the convening of the assembly – a move seen by Bengalis as a plan to deny Mujib's party, which formed a majority, from taking charge. It was on 7 March 1971 that Mujib called for independence and asked the people to launch a major campaign of civil disobedience and organised armed resistance at a mass gathering of people held at the Race Course Ground in Dhaka.
The struggle now is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle now is the struggle for our independence. Joy Bangla!..Since we have given blood, we will give more blood. God-willing, the people of this country will be liberated ... Turn every house into a fort. Face (the enemy) with whatever you have.
7th March Speech of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman)
Following a last-ditch attempt to foster agreement, Yahya Khan declared martial law, banned the Awami League and ordered the army to arrest Mujib and other Bengali leaders and activists. The army launched Operation Searchlight to curb the political and civil unrest, fighting the nationalist militias that were believed to have received training in India. Speaking on radio even as the army began its crackdown, Mujib asked his fellows to create resistance against Pakiskani Army of occupation by a telegraph at midnight on 26 March 1971:
[ThePakistan Army have suddenly attacked the Pilkhana EPR Headquarter and tha Rajarbag Police Line as well as killed many innocents in Dhaka. The battle has started in various places of Dhaka and Chittagong. I am asking help to all the nations of this world. Our freedom fighters are valiantly fighting against the foes to save their motherland. In the name of Almighty Allah my last request and order to you all is to fight for independence till death. Ask your brothers of Police, EPR, Bengal Regiment and Ansar to fight with you. No compromise, the victory is ours. Execute the last foe from our holy motherland. Carry my message to all the leaders, activists and the other patriots from the every corner of the country. May Allah bless you all. Joy Bangla. – from Shadhinota Shongrame Bangali by Aftab Ahmad
Sheikh Mujib was arrested and taken to Pakistan after midnight via Tejgaon international airport on a PAF C-130 flight right under the noses of ATC Officer Squadron Leader Khaja, Senior Operations Officer Wing Commander Khademul Bashar and Director of Airport and Flight Security Squadron Leader M. Hamidullah Khan. All were on duty that night due to the state of emergency. Mujib was moved to West Pakistan and kept under heavy guard in a jail near Faisalabad (then Lyallpur).Many other League politicians avoided arrest by fleeing to India and other countries. Pakistani general Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to preside over Mujib's military court case in Faisalabad, the proceedings of which have never been made public.
The Pakistani army's campaign to restore order soon degenerated into a rampage of terror and bloodshed.With militias known as Razakars, the army targeted Bengali intellectuals, politicians and union leaders, as well as ordinary civilians. Due to deteriorating situation, large numbers of Hindus fled across the border to the neighbouring Indian states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura. The East Bengali army and police regiments soon revolted and League leaders formed a government in exile in Kolkata under Tajuddin Ahmad, a politician close to Mujib. A major insurgency led by the Mukti Bahini (Freedom Fighters) arose across East Pakistan. Despite international pressure, the Pakistani government refused to release Mujib and negotiate with him. Most of the Mujib family was kept under house arrest during this period. General Osmani was the key military commanding officer in the Mukti Bahini, which was a part of the struggle between the state forces and the nationalist militia during the war that came to be known as the Bangladesh Liberation War. Following Indian intervention in December 1971, the Pakistani army surrendered to the joint force of Bengali Mukti Bahini and Indian Army, and the League leadership created a government in Dhaka.
Upon assuming the presidency after Yahya Khan's resignation, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto responded to international pressure and released Mujib on 8 January 1972. He was then flown to London where he met with British Prime Minister Edward Heath and addressed the international media. Mujib then flew to New Delhi on a Royal Air Force plane given by the British government to take him back to Dhaka. In New Delhi, he was received by Indian President Varahagiri Venkata Giri and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as well as the entire Indian cabinet and chiefs of armed forces. Delhi was given a festive look as Mujib and Indira addressed a huge crowd where he publicly expressed his gratitude to Indira Gandhi and "the best friends of my people, the people of India. From New Delhi, Sheikh Mujib flew back to Dhaka on the RAF jet where he was received by a massive and emotional sea of people at Tejgaon Airport."
Governing Bangladesh
Rahman briefly assumed the provisional presidency and later took office as the prime minister.
A new country Bangladesh begins with a lot of 'rampage and rape of Bangladesh economy' by Pakistani occupation force.
According to Time Magazine USA 17-January −1972 "In the aftermath of the Pakistani army's rampage last March, a special team of inspectors from the World Bank observed that some cities looked "like the morning after a nuclear at tack." Since then, the destruction has only been magnified. An estimated 6,000,000 homes have been destroyed, and nearly 1,400,000 farm families have been left without tools or animals to work their lands. Transportation and communications systems are totally disrupted. Roads are damaged, bridges out and inland waterways blocked. The rape of the country continued right up until the Pakistani army surrendered a month ago. In the last days of the war, West Pakistani-owned businesses—which included nearly every commercial enterprise in the country—remitted virtually all their funds to the West. Pakistan International Airlines left exactly 117 rupees ($16) in its account at the port city of Chittagong. The army also destroyed bank notes and coins, so that many areas now suffer from a severe shortage of ready cash. Private cars were picked up off the streets or confiscated from auto dealers and shipped to the West before the ports were closed."
The politicians elected in 1970 formed the provisional parliament of the new state. The Mukti Bahini and other militias amalgamated to form a new Bangladeshi army to which Indian forces transferred control on 17 March. Mujib described the fallout of the war as the "biggest human disaster in the world," claiming the deaths of as many as 3 million people and the rape of more than 200,000 women.
The government faced serious challenges, which including the rehabilitation of millions of people displaced in 1971, organising the supply of food, health aids and other necessities. The effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off, and the state's economy had immensely deteriorated by the conflict.[citation needed] There was also violence against non-Bengalis and groups who were believed to have assisted the Pakistani forces. By the end of the year, thousands of Bengalis arrived from Pakistan, and thousands of non-Bengalis migrated to Pakistan; and yet many thousands remained in refugee camps.
After Bangladesh achieved recognition from major countries, Mujib helped Bangladesh enter into the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement. He travelled to the United States, the United Kingdom and other European nations to obtain humanitarian and developmental assistance for the nation.He signed a treaty of friendship with India, which pledged extensive economic and humanitarian assistance and began training Bangladesh's security forces and government personnel. Mujib forged a close friendship with Indira Gandhi, strongly praising India's decision to intercede, and professed admiration and friendship for India.
He charged the provisional parliament to write a new constitution, and proclaimed the four fundamental principles of "nationalism, secularism, democracy and socialism," which would come to be known as "Mujibism." Mujib nationalised hundreds of industries and companies as well as abandoned land and capital and initiated land reform aimed at helping millions of poor farmers. Major efforts were launched to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million refugees. The economy began recovering and a famine was prevented. A constitution was proclaimed in 1973 and elections were held, which resulted in Mujib and his party gaining power with an absolute majority. He further outlined state programmes to expand primary education, sanitation, food, healthcare, water and electric supply across the country. A five-year plan released in 1973 focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and cottage industries.
Although the state was committed to secularism, Mujib soon began moving closer to political Islam through state policies as well as personal conduct. He revived the Islamic Academy (which had been banned in 1972 for suspected collusion with Pakistani forces) and banned the production and sale of alcohol and banned the practice of gambling, which had been one of the major demands of Islamic groups. Mujib sought Bangladesh's membership in the Organisation of the Islamic Conference and the Islamic Development Bank and made a significant trip to Lahore in 1974 to attend the OIC summit, which helped repair relations with Pakistan to an extent. In his public appearances and speeches, Mujib made increased usage of Islamic greetings, slogans and references to Islamic ideologies. In his final years, Mujib largely abandoned his trademark "Joy Bangla" salutation for "Khuda Hafez" preferred by religious Muslims. He also declared a common amnesty to the suspected war criminals in some conditions to get the support of far right groups as the communists were not happy with Mujib's regime. He declared, " I believe that the brokers, who assisted the Pakistanis during the liberation war has realized their faults. I hope they will involve themselves in the development of the country forgetting all their misdeeds. Those who were arrested and jailed in the Collaborator act should be freed before the 16 December 1974.".
In 1974, Bangladesh experienced the deadliest famine ever, which killed around 30,000 Bangladeshi people from hunger. The Bangladesh famine of 1974 is a major source of discontent against Mujib's government.
BAKSAL
Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, "Second Revolution (Bangladesh)"
Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL) the only legally recognised party of Bangladesh founded on 7 June 1975 following the Fourth Amendment to the constitution of Bangladesh. Mujib's government soon began encountering increased dissatisfaction and unrest. His programmes of nationalisation and industrial socialism suffered from lack of trained personnel, inefficiency, rampant corruption and poor leadership. Mujib focused almost entirely on national issues and thus neglected local issues and government. The party and central government exercised full control and democracy was weakened, with virtually no elections organised at the grass roots or local levels.Political opposition included communists as well as Islamic fundamentalists, who were angered by the declaration of a secular state. Mujib was criticised for nepotism in appointing family members to important positions.A famine in 1974 further intensified the food crisis, and devastated agriculture – the mainstay of the economy. Intense criticism of Mujib arose over lack of political leadership, a flawed pricing policy, and rising inflation amidst heavy losses suffered by the nationalised industries. Mujib's ambitious social programmes performed poorly, owing to scarcity of resources, funds and personnel, and caused unrest amongst the masses. BAKSAL was protested by different groups but they were punished by Mujibur Rahman. It was known that Mujibur Rahman never accepted any criticism against him. Mujib was widely accused for 40000 killings by his Rakkhi Bahini.
The 1974 famine had personally shocked Mujib and profoundly affected his views on governance, while political unrest gave rise to increasing violence. During the famine, 70000 people were reported as dead
In response, he began increasing his powers. On 1974, Mujib declared a state of emergency In 1975, his political supporters approved a constitutional amendment with few other parties of a new system called BAKSHAL. Banning all opposition political parties against BAKSHAL. Mujib assumed the presidency and was given extraordinary powers.
According to Time Magazine USA—Feb. 10, 1975, "Under the new system, executive powers are vested in the President, who will be elected directly every five years, and in a Council of Ministers appointed by him. Although an elected Parliament can pass legislation, the President has veto power and can dissolve Parliament indefinitely."
His political supporters amalgamated to form the only legalised political party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, commonly known by its initials—BAKSAL. The party identified itself with the rural masses, farmers and labourers and took control of government machinery. It also launched major socialist programmes. Using government forces and a militia of supporters called the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini, Mujib oversaw the arrest of opposition activists and strict control of political activities across the country.
Assassination
Main article: Assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
On 15 August 1975, a group of junior army officers invaded the presidential residence with tanks and killed Mujib, his family and personal staff. Only his daughters Sheikh Hasina Wajed and Sheikh Rehana, who were visiting West Germany, escaped. They were banned from returning to Bangladesh. The coup was planned by disgruntled Awami League colleagues and military officers, which included Mujib's colleague and former confidanté Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, who became his immediate successor. There was intense speculation in the media accusing the US Central Intelligence Agency of having instigated the plot.Lawrence Lifschultz has alleged that the CIA was involved in the coup and assassination, basing his assumption on the then US ambassador in Dhaka Eugene Booster.
Mujib's death plunged the nation into many years of political turmoil. The coup leaders were soon overthrown and a series of counter-coups and political assassinations paralysed the country.[38] Order was largely restored after a coup in 1977 gave control to the army chief Ziaur Rahman. Declaring himself President in 1978, Ziaur Rahman signed the Indemnity Ordinance, giving immunity from prosecution to the men who plotted[42] Mujib's assassination and overthrow.
Criticism and legacy
Unbalanced scales.svg
The neutrality of this section is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until conditions to do so are met. (December 2012)
The Bangabandhu Square Monument
During Mujib's tenure as the premier leader, Muslim religious leaders and some politicians intensely criticised Mujib's adoption of state secularism. He alienated some segments of nationalists and those in the military who feared Bangladesh would become too dependent upon India. They worried about becoming a satellite state by taking extensive aid from the Indian government and allying with that country on many foreign and regional affairs. Mujib's imposition of one-party rule and suppression of political opposition also alienated large segments of the population. Historians and political scientists think that it derailed Bangladesh's development as a democratic state, contributing to its subsequent political instability and violence. Zafrullah Chowdhury asserts that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman himself was a major impediment to the fulfilment of those aspirations of the liberation, although he admits that he was a "great leader."
Following his assassination, succeeding governments offered low-key commemorations of Mujib. Restoration of his public image awaited the election of an Awami League government in 1996, which was led by his eldest daughter, Sheikh Hasina, the leader of the party. 15 August has since been commemorated as "National Mourning Day,".
Representation in other media
Poet of Politics is a film in development on the life of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
Time Magazine USA 25 August 1975 writes after 10 Days of his death
Mujib returned to the most tumultuous welcome Dacca had ever seen—and a staggering array of problems in probably the poorest (and most densely populated) country on earth. There were virtually no civil servants and little industry. Ports were clogged, railroads destroyed, the educated elite savaged. Worse, what had not been destroyed in war was soon destroyed by a devastating drought in 1973 and floods last year that inundated three-quarters of the country.
Laudable Objectives. Facing spreading violence—there had been at least 6,000 political murders since independence—Mujib declared a state of emergency last December. He subsequently banned extremist parties on both the left and the right, brought the press under government control, and cracked down on corruption.
The moves met with general favour in Bangladesh, but there were those who were critical. "Do not forget I have had only three years as a free government," he reminded critics. "You cannot expect miracles." Yet even he seemed impatient for miracles in the end. No one ever doubted that his objectives were laudable. Mujib wanted nothing less than to build a "shonar Bangla," the golden Bengal of the poem by Rabindranath Tagore that serves as the country's national anthem.
After one year of Independence & Mujib Rule, Time Magazine USA 1 January 1973 writes
In sum, Bangladesh had little reason to enjoy a happy first birthday. If it is not the "basket case" that Henry Kissinger once called it, neither has it become the Shonar Bangla (Golden Bengal) envisioned by Mujib. How much this is the fault of Mujib is a moot question. It is true that he has had little time in which to combat some of Bangladesh's immense problems. Nevertheless, some critics contend that he has wasted some time playing the role of popular revolutionary figure (such as personally receiving virtually any of his people who call on him) when he should have been concentrating more on serious matters of state. If, as expected, he is elected in March, Mujib will face a clear test of whether he is not only the father of Bangladesh but also its saviour.
The Unfinished Memoirs (Bengali: অসমাপ্ত আত্মজীবনী) is the autobiography by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Inspired by his wife, Fazilatunnesa Mujub, Mujib started writing his autobiography in his notebooks during his sojourns in jail as a state prisoner between 1967 and 1969. Later Mujib gave the notebooks to Moni to prepare a typed copy. But after the assassination of Sheikh Mujib and Sheikh Fazlul Haq Moni, the notebooks slid in oblivion and remained so until one of his relatives discovered four notebooks in a drawer of Sheikh Moni in 2004. By then, the notebooks' pages became discolored and brittle. In his memoirs, Mujib portrayed vividly many aspects of his life in and out of prison. Mujib also narrated the beginning of his ancestry, birth and childhood, days in school and college, and social and political involvements. Mujib also recounted the historical events that he closely observed as a political activist before and after the India partition – famine, communal riots in Kolkata and Bihar, partition, politics of Kolkata-centric State Muslim Student League and Muslim League, Pakistan central government's discriminatory attitude. It also chronicles Bengali language movement, the first stirrings of the movement for autonomy and independence, and powerfully conveys the great uncertainties as well as the great hopes that the Bengali nation had at that time. Mujib expressed his views on other prominent leaders of the time, including Maulana Bhashani, Yar Mohammad Khan, Mahatma Gandhi, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, A.K. Fazlul Haq, Abul Hashim, Khawaja Nazimuddin, Ghulam Muhammad, Mohammad Ali Bogra, Chaudhury Muhammad Ali, and Nurul Amin. The last part portrays with the events accompanying the struggle for democratic rights in 1955.
Following a last-ditch attempt to foster agreement, Yahya Khan declared martial law, banned the Awami League and ordered the army to arrest Mujib and other Bengali leaders and activists. The army launched Operation Searchlight to curb the political and civil unrest, fighting the nationalist militias that were believed to have received training in India. Speaking on radio even as the army began its crackdown, Mujib asked his fellows to create resistance against Pakiskani Army of occupation by a telegraph at midnight on 26 March 1971:
[ThePakistan Army have suddenly attacked the Pilkhana EPR Headquarter and tha Rajarbag Police Line as well as killed many innocents in Dhaka. The battle has started in various places of Dhaka and Chittagong. I am asking help to all the nations of this world. Our freedom fighters are valiantly fighting against the foes to save their motherland. In the name of Almighty Allah my last request and order to you all is to fight for independence till death. Ask your brothers of Police, EPR, Bengal Regiment and Ansar to fight with you. No compromise, the victory is ours. Execute the last foe from our holy motherland. Carry my message to all the leaders, activists and the other patriots from the every corner of the country. May Allah bless you all. Joy Bangla. – from Shadhinota Shongrame Bangali by Aftab Ahmad
Sheikh Mujib was arrested and taken to Pakistan after midnight via Tejgaon international airport on a PAF C-130 flight right under the noses of ATC Officer Squadron Leader Khaja, Senior Operations Officer Wing Commander Khademul Bashar and Director of Airport and Flight Security Squadron Leader M. Hamidullah Khan. All were on duty that night due to the state of emergency. Mujib was moved to West Pakistan and kept under heavy guard in a jail near Faisalabad (then Lyallpur).Many other League politicians avoided arrest by fleeing to India and other countries. Pakistani general Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to preside over Mujib's military court case in Faisalabad, the proceedings of which have never been made public.
The Pakistani army's campaign to restore order soon degenerated into a rampage of terror and bloodshed.With militias known as Razakars, the army targeted Bengali intellectuals, politicians and union leaders, as well as ordinary civilians. Due to deteriorating situation, large numbers of Hindus fled across the border to the neighbouring Indian states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura. The East Bengali army and police regiments soon revolted and League leaders formed a government in exile in Kolkata under Tajuddin Ahmad, a politician close to Mujib. A major insurgency led by the Mukti Bahini (Freedom Fighters) arose across East Pakistan. Despite international pressure, the Pakistani government refused to release Mujib and negotiate with him. Most of the Mujib family was kept under house arrest during this period. General Osmani was the key military commanding officer in the Mukti Bahini, which was a part of the struggle between the state forces and the nationalist militia during the war that came to be known as the Bangladesh Liberation War. Following Indian intervention in December 1971, the Pakistani army surrendered to the joint force of Bengali Mukti Bahini and Indian Army, and the League leadership created a government in Dhaka.
Upon assuming the presidency after Yahya Khan's resignation, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto responded to international pressure and released Mujib on 8 January 1972. He was then flown to London where he met with British Prime Minister Edward Heath and addressed the international media. Mujib then flew to New Delhi on a Royal Air Force plane given by the British government to take him back to Dhaka. In New Delhi, he was received by Indian President Varahagiri Venkata Giri and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as well as the entire Indian cabinet and chiefs of armed forces. Delhi was given a festive look as Mujib and Indira addressed a huge crowd where he publicly expressed his gratitude to Indira Gandhi and "the best friends of my people, the people of India. From New Delhi, Sheikh Mujib flew back to Dhaka on the RAF jet where he was received by a massive and emotional sea of people at Tejgaon Airport."
Governing Bangladesh
Rahman briefly assumed the provisional presidency and later took office as the prime minister.
A new country Bangladesh begins with a lot of 'rampage and rape of Bangladesh economy' by Pakistani occupation force.
According to Time Magazine USA 17-January −1972 "In the aftermath of the Pakistani army's rampage last March, a special team of inspectors from the World Bank observed that some cities looked "like the morning after a nuclear at tack." Since then, the destruction has only been magnified. An estimated 6,000,000 homes have been destroyed, and nearly 1,400,000 farm families have been left without tools or animals to work their lands. Transportation and communications systems are totally disrupted. Roads are damaged, bridges out and inland waterways blocked. The rape of the country continued right up until the Pakistani army surrendered a month ago. In the last days of the war, West Pakistani-owned businesses—which included nearly every commercial enterprise in the country—remitted virtually all their funds to the West. Pakistan International Airlines left exactly 117 rupees ($16) in its account at the port city of Chittagong. The army also destroyed bank notes and coins, so that many areas now suffer from a severe shortage of ready cash. Private cars were picked up off the streets or confiscated from auto dealers and shipped to the West before the ports were closed."
The politicians elected in 1970 formed the provisional parliament of the new state. The Mukti Bahini and other militias amalgamated to form a new Bangladeshi army to which Indian forces transferred control on 17 March. Mujib described the fallout of the war as the "biggest human disaster in the world," claiming the deaths of as many as 3 million people and the rape of more than 200,000 women.
The government faced serious challenges, which including the rehabilitation of millions of people displaced in 1971, organising the supply of food, health aids and other necessities. The effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off, and the state's economy had immensely deteriorated by the conflict.[citation needed] There was also violence against non-Bengalis and groups who were believed to have assisted the Pakistani forces. By the end of the year, thousands of Bengalis arrived from Pakistan, and thousands of non-Bengalis migrated to Pakistan; and yet many thousands remained in refugee camps.
After Bangladesh achieved recognition from major countries, Mujib helped Bangladesh enter into the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement. He travelled to the United States, the United Kingdom and other European nations to obtain humanitarian and developmental assistance for the nation.He signed a treaty of friendship with India, which pledged extensive economic and humanitarian assistance and began training Bangladesh's security forces and government personnel. Mujib forged a close friendship with Indira Gandhi, strongly praising India's decision to intercede, and professed admiration and friendship for India.
He charged the provisional parliament to write a new constitution, and proclaimed the four fundamental principles of "nationalism, secularism, democracy and socialism," which would come to be known as "Mujibism." Mujib nationalised hundreds of industries and companies as well as abandoned land and capital and initiated land reform aimed at helping millions of poor farmers. Major efforts were launched to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million refugees. The economy began recovering and a famine was prevented. A constitution was proclaimed in 1973 and elections were held, which resulted in Mujib and his party gaining power with an absolute majority. He further outlined state programmes to expand primary education, sanitation, food, healthcare, water and electric supply across the country. A five-year plan released in 1973 focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and cottage industries.
Although the state was committed to secularism, Mujib soon began moving closer to political Islam through state policies as well as personal conduct. He revived the Islamic Academy (which had been banned in 1972 for suspected collusion with Pakistani forces) and banned the production and sale of alcohol and banned the practice of gambling, which had been one of the major demands of Islamic groups. Mujib sought Bangladesh's membership in the Organisation of the Islamic Conference and the Islamic Development Bank and made a significant trip to Lahore in 1974 to attend the OIC summit, which helped repair relations with Pakistan to an extent. In his public appearances and speeches, Mujib made increased usage of Islamic greetings, slogans and references to Islamic ideologies. In his final years, Mujib largely abandoned his trademark "Joy Bangla" salutation for "Khuda Hafez" preferred by religious Muslims. He also declared a common amnesty to the suspected war criminals in some conditions to get the support of far right groups as the communists were not happy with Mujib's regime. He declared, " I believe that the brokers, who assisted the Pakistanis during the liberation war has realized their faults. I hope they will involve themselves in the development of the country forgetting all their misdeeds. Those who were arrested and jailed in the Collaborator act should be freed before the 16 December 1974.".
In 1974, Bangladesh experienced the deadliest famine ever, which killed around 30,000 Bangladeshi people from hunger. The Bangladesh famine of 1974 is a major source of discontent against Mujib's government.
BAKSAL
Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, "Second Revolution (Bangladesh)"
Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL) the only legally recognised party of Bangladesh founded on 7 June 1975 following the Fourth Amendment to the constitution of Bangladesh. Mujib's government soon began encountering increased dissatisfaction and unrest. His programmes of nationalisation and industrial socialism suffered from lack of trained personnel, inefficiency, rampant corruption and poor leadership. Mujib focused almost entirely on national issues and thus neglected local issues and government. The party and central government exercised full control and democracy was weakened, with virtually no elections organised at the grass roots or local levels.Political opposition included communists as well as Islamic fundamentalists, who were angered by the declaration of a secular state. Mujib was criticised for nepotism in appointing family members to important positions.A famine in 1974 further intensified the food crisis, and devastated agriculture – the mainstay of the economy. Intense criticism of Mujib arose over lack of political leadership, a flawed pricing policy, and rising inflation amidst heavy losses suffered by the nationalised industries. Mujib's ambitious social programmes performed poorly, owing to scarcity of resources, funds and personnel, and caused unrest amongst the masses. BAKSAL was protested by different groups but they were punished by Mujibur Rahman. It was known that Mujibur Rahman never accepted any criticism against him. Mujib was widely accused for 40000 killings by his Rakkhi Bahini.
The 1974 famine had personally shocked Mujib and profoundly affected his views on governance, while political unrest gave rise to increasing violence. During the famine, 70000 people were reported as dead
In response, he began increasing his powers. On 1974, Mujib declared a state of emergency In 1975, his political supporters approved a constitutional amendment with few other parties of a new system called BAKSHAL. Banning all opposition political parties against BAKSHAL. Mujib assumed the presidency and was given extraordinary powers.
According to Time Magazine USA—Feb. 10, 1975, "Under the new system, executive powers are vested in the President, who will be elected directly every five years, and in a Council of Ministers appointed by him. Although an elected Parliament can pass legislation, the President has veto power and can dissolve Parliament indefinitely."
His political supporters amalgamated to form the only legalised political party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, commonly known by its initials—BAKSAL. The party identified itself with the rural masses, farmers and labourers and took control of government machinery. It also launched major socialist programmes. Using government forces and a militia of supporters called the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini, Mujib oversaw the arrest of opposition activists and strict control of political activities across the country.
Assassination
Main article: Assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
On 15 August 1975, a group of junior army officers invaded the presidential residence with tanks and killed Mujib, his family and personal staff. Only his daughters Sheikh Hasina Wajed and Sheikh Rehana, who were visiting West Germany, escaped. They were banned from returning to Bangladesh. The coup was planned by disgruntled Awami League colleagues and military officers, which included Mujib's colleague and former confidanté Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, who became his immediate successor. There was intense speculation in the media accusing the US Central Intelligence Agency of having instigated the plot.Lawrence Lifschultz has alleged that the CIA was involved in the coup and assassination, basing his assumption on the then US ambassador in Dhaka Eugene Booster.
Mujib's death plunged the nation into many years of political turmoil. The coup leaders were soon overthrown and a series of counter-coups and political assassinations paralysed the country.[38] Order was largely restored after a coup in 1977 gave control to the army chief Ziaur Rahman. Declaring himself President in 1978, Ziaur Rahman signed the Indemnity Ordinance, giving immunity from prosecution to the men who plotted[42] Mujib's assassination and overthrow.
Criticism and legacy
Unbalanced scales.svg
The neutrality of this section is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until conditions to do so are met. (December 2012)
The Bangabandhu Square Monument
During Mujib's tenure as the premier leader, Muslim religious leaders and some politicians intensely criticised Mujib's adoption of state secularism. He alienated some segments of nationalists and those in the military who feared Bangladesh would become too dependent upon India. They worried about becoming a satellite state by taking extensive aid from the Indian government and allying with that country on many foreign and regional affairs. Mujib's imposition of one-party rule and suppression of political opposition also alienated large segments of the population. Historians and political scientists think that it derailed Bangladesh's development as a democratic state, contributing to its subsequent political instability and violence. Zafrullah Chowdhury asserts that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman himself was a major impediment to the fulfilment of those aspirations of the liberation, although he admits that he was a "great leader."
Following his assassination, succeeding governments offered low-key commemorations of Mujib. Restoration of his public image awaited the election of an Awami League government in 1996, which was led by his eldest daughter, Sheikh Hasina, the leader of the party. 15 August has since been commemorated as "National Mourning Day,".
Representation in other media
Poet of Politics is a film in development on the life of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
Time Magazine USA 25 August 1975 writes after 10 Days of his death
Mujib returned to the most tumultuous welcome Dacca had ever seen—and a staggering array of problems in probably the poorest (and most densely populated) country on earth. There were virtually no civil servants and little industry. Ports were clogged, railroads destroyed, the educated elite savaged. Worse, what had not been destroyed in war was soon destroyed by a devastating drought in 1973 and floods last year that inundated three-quarters of the country.
Laudable Objectives. Facing spreading violence—there had been at least 6,000 political murders since independence—Mujib declared a state of emergency last December. He subsequently banned extremist parties on both the left and the right, brought the press under government control, and cracked down on corruption.
The moves met with general favour in Bangladesh, but there were those who were critical. "Do not forget I have had only three years as a free government," he reminded critics. "You cannot expect miracles." Yet even he seemed impatient for miracles in the end. No one ever doubted that his objectives were laudable. Mujib wanted nothing less than to build a "shonar Bangla," the golden Bengal of the poem by Rabindranath Tagore that serves as the country's national anthem.
After one year of Independence & Mujib Rule, Time Magazine USA 1 January 1973 writes
In sum, Bangladesh had little reason to enjoy a happy first birthday. If it is not the "basket case" that Henry Kissinger once called it, neither has it become the Shonar Bangla (Golden Bengal) envisioned by Mujib. How much this is the fault of Mujib is a moot question. It is true that he has had little time in which to combat some of Bangladesh's immense problems. Nevertheless, some critics contend that he has wasted some time playing the role of popular revolutionary figure (such as personally receiving virtually any of his people who call on him) when he should have been concentrating more on serious matters of state. If, as expected, he is elected in March, Mujib will face a clear test of whether he is not only the father of Bangladesh but also its saviour.
The Unfinished Memoirs (Bengali: অসমাপ্ত আত্মজীবনী) is the autobiography by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Inspired by his wife, Fazilatunnesa Mujub, Mujib started writing his autobiography in his notebooks during his sojourns in jail as a state prisoner between 1967 and 1969. Later Mujib gave the notebooks to Moni to prepare a typed copy. But after the assassination of Sheikh Mujib and Sheikh Fazlul Haq Moni, the notebooks slid in oblivion and remained so until one of his relatives discovered four notebooks in a drawer of Sheikh Moni in 2004. By then, the notebooks' pages became discolored and brittle. In his memoirs, Mujib portrayed vividly many aspects of his life in and out of prison. Mujib also narrated the beginning of his ancestry, birth and childhood, days in school and college, and social and political involvements. Mujib also recounted the historical events that he closely observed as a political activist before and after the India partition – famine, communal riots in Kolkata and Bihar, partition, politics of Kolkata-centric State Muslim Student League and Muslim League, Pakistan central government's discriminatory attitude. It also chronicles Bengali language movement, the first stirrings of the movement for autonomy and independence, and powerfully conveys the great uncertainties as well as the great hopes that the Bengali nation had at that time. Mujib expressed his views on other prominent leaders of the time, including Maulana Bhashani, Yar Mohammad Khan, Mahatma Gandhi, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, A.K. Fazlul Haq, Abul Hashim, Khawaja Nazimuddin, Ghulam Muhammad, Mohammad Ali Bogra, Chaudhury Muhammad Ali, and Nurul Amin. The last part portrays with the events accompanying the struggle for democratic rights in 1955.
Wednesday, March 2, 2016
কেনো আমি পাকিস্থানকে সাপোট করবো না
এই প্রশ্নের উত্তরে আপনি জানেন আমি কি বলবো। আমি নিম্নের কথাগুলাই শোনাবো...
“Rape in Bangladesh had hardly been restricted to beauty. Girls of eight and grandmothers of seventy five had been sexually assaulted … … Some women may have been raped as many as eighty times in a night.” - সুসান ব্রাউন মিলার
“যুদ্ধশেষে ক্যাম্পের একটি কক্ষ থেকে কয়েকটি কাঁচের জার উদ্ধার করা হয়; যার মধ্যে ফরমালিনে সংরক্ষিত ছিলো মেয়েদের শরীরের বিভিন্ন অংশ। অংশগুলি কাটা হয়েছিলো খুব নিখুঁতভাবে”। -খুলনার ডা. বিকাশ চক্রবর্তী।
“আগুনে পোড়া গ্রামকে পেছনে ফেলে দুই কিশোরী মেয়ে নিয়ে হামাগুড়ি দিয়ে পালাচ্ছিলেন চন্দ্র মণ্ডল। কাদামাটির ভেতর দিয়ে। একটু পর সৈন্যদের হাতে ধরা পড়লেন। অসহায় চোখে তাকে দেখতে হলো তাঁর মেয়েদের ধর্ষনের দৃশ্য। বারবার, বারবার, বারবার”। - নিউজউইক, ২ আগস্ট, ১৯৭১।
আপনি জানেন আমি রাবেয়ার কথা বলবো...
আমি ফেরদৌসী প্রিয়ভাষিণীর কথা বলবো...
আমি সিলেটের এসনু বেগমের কথা বলবো...
আমি আজাদের কথা বলবো,
আমি রুমির কথা বলবো ...
আমি পাকিস্তানিদের ইচ্ছার কথাটাও জানাবো
“We must tame the Bengali tigress and change the next generation, Change to better Muslims and Pakistanis.”
আরো অনেক কিছু...
আপনি বিরক্ত হয়ে বলবেন, ভাই খেলাটার সাথে রাজনীতি মেশান কেন?
আমি তখন আপনাকে জিজ্ঞেস করব, 'তবে কি ভাই একাত্তর আপনার কাছে শুধুই রাজনীতি?
প্রজন্ম পরিবর্তনের উদ্দেশ্যে ছয় লক্ষ মা বোনকে ধর্ষন করা শুধুই রাজনীতি?
ত্রিশ লক্ষ শহীদের রক্ত শুধুই রাজনীতি?"
আপনি আরো বিরক্ত হয়ে বলবেন, 'আচ্ছা ঐটা তো ঐ প্রজন্ম করেছিল, এরা তো করে নাই? তাদের দোষ কোথায়?'
এবার আপনাকে বলি, আপনি পাকিস্তানি পাঠ্যপুস্তকের একটু খবর নেন দয়া করে, দেখবেন ওদের প্রজন্ম আপনার সম্পর্কে কি ভাবে? এবং কি জানে?
গত বছরের ডিসেম্বরেই পাকিস্তানের এই সরকার অস্বীকার করেছে ৭১ এর গণহত্যাটাকে! তারা এখনো তাদের মধ্যে পূর্বপুরুষের কৃতকর্মের জন্যে অপরাধবোধ কাজ করে না।
তাহলে কেন আমি তাদের এই প্রজন্মকে সাপোর্ট দিব? বলেন?
এবার আপনি সাকিব, মুস্তাফিজ, সাব্বিরদের কথা বলবেন, তারা তো পাকিস্তানিদের সাপোর্ট করে, তবে কি তারা দেশপ্রেমিক নয়?
দেখেন, সাকিবদের দেশপ্রেম নিয়ে কখনোই প্রশ্ন তোলা যাবে না। নিজের জায়গা থেকে ওরা দেশের জন্যে নিজেদের সবটুকু নিংড়ে দিচ্ছে। কিন্তু একাত্তর তো জানার বিষয়, আমাদের শিক্ষাব্যাবস্থায় যেখানে একাত্তরকে তুলে ধরতে পারি নাই সঠিক ভাবে এখনো, সেখানে তাদেরকে আমি দোষ দেব না।
দেখুন, আমি বড় হয়েছি যে পরিবেশে সেখানে বলা হয়েছে ৭১ এ খুব একটা কিছুই হয় নাই। আমি নিশ্চিত আমাদের বেশীরভাগই এমন পরিবেশে বড় হয়েছে। মাত্র হাতেগোনা কয়টা বই পড়েছি, এতেই আমি দেখতে পাই, আমার চারপাশটা শহীদের রক্তে রঞ্জিত...
সাকিব সাব্বিররা যা করেছে সেটা তাদের দোষ না, সে দায়ভার আমাদের সকলের ...
আমি জানি এখনো আপনার মুখ বন্ধ হবে না, তবে দয়া করে মনে রাখবেন,
আপনি যখন পাকিস্তানি ক্রিকেট টিমের ফেসবুক পেইজে লাইক দিচ্ছেন সেখানে পাকিস্তানি পতাকা সংবলিত লগো আছে,
আপনি যে প্লেয়ারদের সাপোর্ট দিচ্ছেন তারাও পাকিস্তানি পতাকা বুকে ধরে আছে,
আপনার সে প্লেয়াররাও আপনার শহীদদের স্বীকার করে না ...
এখানেই অন্য যেকোন দেশকে সাপোর্ট দেয়া আর পাকিস্তানকে সাপোর্ট দেয়ার তফাৎ!
তারপরো, সাপোর্ট যদি করতে চান করেন...
খালি ত্যানা প্যাচাবেন না ...
আমি পাকিস্তানকে সাপোর্ট করার মানসিকতাকে অস্বীকার করি
যেমন অস্বীকার করি 'পশুর সাথে সহবাস'!
পুলিশ কে কতটুকু বিশ্বাস করতে পারি????
ঢাকা মহানগর এলাকায় বাড়ির মালিকদের মাধ্যমে ভাড়াটিয়াদের ব্যক্তিগত তথ্য সংগ্রহের কাজ থেকে পুলিশকে বিরত থাকার অনুরোধ জানিয়ে উকিল নোটিস পাঠিয়েছেন সুপ্রিম কোর্টের এক আইনজীবী।
তথ্য সংগ্রহের এই কার্যক্রমের আইনগত কী ভিত্তি আছে তা ২৪ ঘণ্টার মধ্যে লিখিতভাবে জানাতে বলা হয়েছে নোটিসে।
মঙ্গলবার রেজিস্ট্রার ডাকে আইন সচিব, স্বরাষ্ট্র সচিব, পুলিশের মহাপরিদর্শক ও ঢাকা মহানগর কমিশনারকে পাঠানো ওই নোটিসে ব্যারিস্টার জ্যোতির্ময় বড়ুয়া বলেছেন, নির্ধারিত সময়ের মধ্যে জবাব না পেলে তিনি যথাযথ আদালতে সুরক্ষা চাইবেন।
জ্যোতির্ময় বড়ুয়া বিডিনিউজ টোয়েন্টিফোর ডটকমকে বলেন, “আইন মেনে চলা একজন নাগরিক হিসেবে আইন-শৃঙ্খলা রক্ষাকারী বাহিনীকে আইনগত সহায়তা করতে আমি ইচ্ছুক। তবে যে সহায়তা তারা চাইছেন তা তাদের আইনগত এখতিয়ারে পড়ে না। এভাবে ব্যক্তিগত তথ্য চাওয়ার মতো কোনো আইনি সুযোগ পুলিশের নেই।”
সাম্প্রতিক সময়ে ঢাকার বিভিন্ন বাড়িতে জঙ্গি ও সন্ত্রাসীদের আস্তানা ও বোমা তৈরির কারখানার সন্ধান পাওয়ার পর গতবছর বাড়িওয়ালা ও ভাড়াটিয়াদের তথ্য সংগ্রহের এই কাজ শুরু করে মহানগর পুলিশ।
এক পৃষ্ঠার যে ফরম ভাড়াটিয়াদের পূরণ করতে দেওয়া হচ্ছে, সেখানে ভাড়াটিয়ার ছবির পাশাপাশি তাদের জাতীয় পরিচয়পত্রের নম্বর, পাসপোর্ট নম্বর, ফোন নম্বর, জন্ম তারিখসহ বাসার বাসিন্দা এবং গৃহকর্মী ও ড্রাইভারের তথ্য চাওয়া হয়েছে।
উপরে ঢাকা মহানগর পুলিশের লোগো সম্বলিত ওই ফরমের ফটোকপি বাড়ি বাড়ি পৌঁছে দিয়ে আবার তা সংগ্রহ করছেন পুলিশ সদস্যরা।
কিন্তু পুলিশের এ উদ্যোগ নিয়ে নাগরিকদের মধ্যে বিভ্রান্তি ও সংশয় তৈরি হওয়ায় সোমবার সংবাদ সম্মেলনে আসেন ঢাকার পুলিশ কমিশনার আছাদুজ্জামান মিয়া।
তিনি নিজেও স্বীকার করেন, মানুষ মনে করছে, এসব তথ্য দিয়ে ভবিষ্যতে পুলিশি হয়রানির শিকার হতে পারেন তারা।
“এই তথ্য আমরা নিচ্ছি নগরবাসীর নিরাপত্তা বিধানের জন্য। এই তথ্য সম্পূর্ণ সুরক্ষিত থাকবে, সংরক্ষিত থাকবে। অন্য কেউ ব্যবহার করতে পারবে না। এতে একটি মহল্লাতে কারা বসবাস করে, কারা বাড়ির মালিক, কারা দোকানের মালিক, কারা প্রতিষ্ঠানের মালিক আর কারা ভাড়াটিয়া- তাদের তথ্য আমাদের কাছে সংগৃহীত থাকবে।”
এর ব্যাখ্যায় তিনি বলেন, বর্তমানে অপরাধে মাত্রা ও প্রক্রিয়া এমন পর্যায়ে পৌঁছেছে যে, পরিস্থিতি নিয়ন্ত্রণ করতে হলে মহানগরীতে বসবাসরত মালিক-ভাড়াটিয়া সবার নাম-পরিচয়সহ একটি তথ্যভাণ্ডারের প্রয়োজনীয়তা পুলিশ অনুভব করছে।
সাম্প্রতিক সময়ে মিরপুরের শাহআলী থানা এলাকা এবং উত্তর বাড্ডা, মোহাম্মাদপুর ও দক্ষিণখানের কয়েকটি বাসায় অভিযান চালিয়ে বিস্ফোরক ও জঙ্গি গ্রেপ্তারের প্রসঙ্গ তুলে ধরে ডিএমপি কমিশনার বলেন, “প্রতিটি ঘটনায় দেখেছি, ওই সব বাসা এক/দুই মাস আগে ভাড়া নেওয়া হয় মিথ্যা নাম দিয়ে, মিথ্যা পেশা দিয়ে এবং নিজেদের পরিচয় গোপন করে। পরে অপরাধ করার চেষ্টা হয়। অপরাধ প্রক্রিয়া শেষ হওয়া পর তারা দূরে কোথাও চলে যায়- সেটাও ভাড়া বাসা।”
সব বাড়িওয়ালা ও ভাড়াটিয়াদের তথ্য ১৫ মার্চের মধ্যে সংগ্রহ করে তথ্যভাণ্ডার তৈরির কাজ শুরু হবে বলে পুলিশ কমিশনার জানান।
তবে জ্যোতির্ময় বড়ুয়া বলছেন, নাগরিকদের যেসব ব্যক্তিগত গোপনীয় তথ্য পুলিশ যেভাবে সংগ্রহ করছে, তা করার মতো প্রয়োজনীয় প্রশিক্ষণ পুলিশের নেই।
“এসব তথ্যের অপব্যবহার হওয়ার যথেষ্ট সম্ভাবনা রয়েছে। তাছাড়া এসব তথ্য যদি কোনো ভুল ব্যক্তি বা প্রতিষ্ঠানের হাতে পড়ে, তাহলে ব্যক্তির ব্যক্তিগত নিরাপত্তা ক্ষুণ্ন হওয়ার যথেষ্ট সম্ভাবনা রয়েছে।”
সংবিধানে নাগরিকের ব্যক্তিগত গোপনীয়তার যে অধিকার দেওয়া হয়েছে, পুলিশের এ উদ্যোগে তাও ভঙ্গ হতে পারে বলে আশঙ্কা প্রকাশ করেন তিনি।
Tuesday, March 1, 2016
বিশ্বের সেরা সাত রেস্টুরেন্ট
বড় বড় ভবনের খোলামেলা ছাদের ওপর রেস্টুরেন্ট জনপ্রিয় হয়ে উঠছে এবং বাড়ছে এর সংখ্যা। আকাশছোঁয়া ভবনের এই রেস্টুরেন্টগুলোকে আকাশের কাছাকাছি বলেই মনে হয়। পৃথিবীর সবচেয়ে জনপ্রিয় সাতটি রুফটপ রেস্টুরেন্টের তথ্য দেওয়া হলো।
২. আয়ের লাউঞ্জ, মুম্বাই ভারতের ধনী এবং তারকাদের দেখা প্রিয় একটি রেস্টুরেন্ট এটি। ৩৪ তলার ওপর অবস্থিত রেস্টুরেন্টটি অভিজাত এবং এখানে বসলে যাবতীয় অশান্তি সব উবে যাবে।
৪. কু দি তা, সিঙ্গাপুর উচ্চতাভীতি থাকলে এখানে না যাওয়াই ভালো। মাটি থেকে ৬৫০ ফুট ওপরে ওঠাটা ভীতিকরই বটে। কিন্তু এখানকার দারুণ খাবারের লোভে ভোজনরসিকরা না গিয়ে পারেন না। গতানুগতিক ঐতিহ্যের সঙ্গে এখানে রয়েছে আন্তর্জাতিক মানের ডাইনিংয়ের ব্যবস্থা।
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৭. এসটিকে রুফটপ, নিউ ইয়র্কনিউ ইয়র্কের প্রতিবেশী ডিস্ট্রিক্ট মিটপ্যাকিং এর এমন রুফটপ রেস্টুরেন্ট দেখে অনেকেই অবাক হন। আরো অবাকের বিষয় হলো, এটি মাত্র পাঁচতলার ওপরে অবস্থিত। কিন্তু এখানে প্রবেশ করলে মনে হবে, সেরা রুফটপ রেস্টুরেন্টের তালিকায় এটিকে স্থান দেওয়া যায়। দারুণ আরাম-আয়েশে এখানে বসলে মিটপ্যাকিংয়ের অনেক স্থান দেখা যাবে, খাবারও উপভোগ্য।
৩৭তম বিসিএসে নিয়োগ পাবেন ১২২৬ জন
সরকারি চাকরিতে প্রথম শ্রেণির পদে লোক নিয়োগে সাইত্রিশতম বিসিএসের বিজ্ঞপ্তি প্রকাশ করেছে সরকারি কর্ম কমিশন (পিএসসি)।
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| সরকারি কর্ম কমিশন ভবন |
কমিশনের পরীক্ষা নিয়ন্ত্রক (ক্যাডার) আ ওয়াই ম নেছারউদ্দিন জানিয়েছেন, এই বিসিএসের মাধ্যমে এক হাজার ২২৬ জনকে নিয়োগ দেওয়া হবে।
বৃহস্পতিবার বিকালে বিডিনিউজ টোয়েন্টিফোর ডটকমকে তিনি বলেন, আগামী ৩১ মার্চ থেকে ২ মে পর্যন্ত ৩৭তম বিসিএসের আবেদনপত্র জমা নেওয়া হবে।
বিস্তারিত নিয়োগ বিজ্ঞপ্তি পিএসসির ওয়েবসাইটে (www.bpsc.gov.bd) পাওয়া যাবে।
এই বিসিএসের মাধ্যমে প্রশাসন ক্যাডারে ৩০০ জন এবং পুলিশে ১০০ জনকে নিয়োগ দেওয়া হবে বলে নেছারউদ্দিন জানান।
যুদ্ধাপরাধী মীর কাশেম আলীকে রক্ষার ষড়যন্ত্রের প্রতিবাদে শাহবাগে সমাবেশ ও মশাল
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ইমরান বলেন, ইসলামী ব্যাংকের প্রতিষ্ঠাতা ধনকুবের মীর কাশেম আলী তার অর্থ-বিত্ত- প্রতিপত্তিকে কাজে লাগিয়ে কোনভাবে বিচার প্রক্রিয়াকে বাধাগ্রস্ত করে কিনা সেই আশঙ্কা আমাদের শুরু থেকেই ছিল। নানা সময়ে গণমাধ্যমের খবরে প্রকাশিতও হয়েছে, বিচার প্রক্রিয়াকে বাধাগ্রস্ত করতে মিলিয়ন মিলিয়ন ডলার খরচ করা হয়েছে। এই সকল প্রতিকূলতার মধ্যেও তার বিরুদ্ধে আনীত ১৪টি অভিযোগের মধ্যে দশটি অভিযোগ সন্দেহাতীতভাবে ট্রাইব্যুনালে প্রমাণিত হয়েছে, যার মধ্যে দুটি অপরাধে তাকে মৃত্যুদ- এবং বাকি আটটি অভিযোগে বিভিন্ন মেয়াদে মোট বাহাত্তর বছরের কারাদ-ের রায় দেয়া হয়েছে। আমরা জানি এই মীর কাশেম আলী মহান মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সময় মানবতাবিরোধী অপরাধে জড়িত কুখ্যাত ইসলামী ছাত্রসংঘের সাধারণ সম্পাদক এবং বুদ্ধিজীবী হত্যায় জড়িত ঘাতক আলবদর বাহিনীর দ্বিতীয় সর্বোচ্চ নেতা ছিল। তার বিরুদ্ধে চট্টগ্রামের ডালিম হোটেলে মুক্তিযোদ্ধা ও মুক্তিযুদ্ধের পক্ষের মানুষদের নির্যাতনের যে অভিযোগটি দায়ের করা হয়েছিল তা প্রত্যক্ষদর্শী ১৪ জনের সাক্ষ্যের মাধ্যমে প্রমাণিত হয়েছে।
ইমরান বলেন, সাম্প্রতিক সময়ে বিভিন্ন বক্তব্য বিবৃতিতে এবং বিচার সংশ্লিষ্ট দায়িত্বশীলদের কার্যকলাপে আমাদের মাঝে আশঙ্কার সৃষ্টি হয়েছে যে, এই রাজাকারকে কোনভাবে রক্ষার চেষ্টা হয় কিনা।
যুদ্ধাপরাধী মীর কাশেম আলীকে রক্ষার ষড়যন্ত্রের প্রতিবাদে শাহবাগে সমাবেশ ও মশাল মিছিল করেছে গণজাগরণ মঞ্চ।
বিকাল পাঁচটায় সমাবেশ শুরু হয়। সংক্ষিপ্ত সমাবেশে বক্তব্য রাখেন গণজাগরণ মঞ্চের মুখপাত্র ইমরান এইচ সরকার।
বক্তব্যে তিনি বলেন, “ইসলামী ব্যাংকের প্রতিষ্ঠাতা ধনকুবের মীর কাশেম আলী তার অর্থ-বিত্ত-প্রতিপত্তিকে কাজে লাগিয়ে কোনোভাবে বিচার প্রক্রিয়াকে বাধাগ্রস্ত করে কিনা সেই আশঙ্কা আমাদের শুরু থেকেই ছিল।
নানাসময়ে গণমাধ্যমের খবরে প্রকাশিতও হয়েছে, বিচার প্রক্রিয়াকে বাধাগ্রস্ত করতে মিলিয়ন মিলিয়ন ডলার খরচ করা হয়েছে। এই সকল প্রতিকূলতার মধ্যেও তার বিরুদ্ধে আনীত ১৪ টি অভিযোগের মধ্যে দশটি অভিযোগ সন্দেহাতীত ভাবে ট্রাইব্যুনালে প্রমাণিত হয়েছে, যার মধ্যে দুটি অপরাধে তাকে মৃত্যুদন্ড এবং বাকি আটটি অভিযোগে বিভিন্ন মেয়াদে মোট বাহাত্তর বছরের কারাদণ্ডের রায় দেয়া হয়েছে। আমরা জানি এই মীর কাশেম আলী মহান মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সময় মানবতাবিরোধী অপরাধে জড়িত কুখ্যাত ইসলামি ছাত্রসংঘের সাধারণ সম্পাদক এবং বুদ্ধিজীবী হত্যায় জড়িত ঘাতক আলবদর বাহিনীর দ্বিতীয় সর্বোচ্চ নেতা ছিল। মীর কাশেম আলীর বিরুদ্ধে চট্টগ্রামের ডালিম হোটেলে মুক্তিযোদ্ধা ও মুক্তিযুদ্ধের পক্ষের মানুষদের নির্যাতনের যে অভিযোগটি দায়ের করা হয়েছিল তা প্রত্যক্ষদর্শী ১৪ জনের সাক্ষ্যের মাধ্যমে প্রমাণিত হয়েছে।
সাম্প্রতিকসময়ে বিভিন্ন বক্তব্য বিবৃতিতে এবং বিচারসংশ্লিষ্ট দায়িত্বশীলদের কার্যকলাপে আমাদের মাঝে আশঙ্কার সৃষ্টি হয়েছে যে, এই রাজাকারকে কোনোভাবে রক্ষার চেষ্টা হয় কিনা।
আমরা দেখেছি সদ্য অবসর নেয়া একজন বিচারপতি নজরুল ইসলাম চৌধুরী, যিনি এখনো সরকারি সুযোগসুবিধা ভোগ করছেন, তিনি কিভাবে অবসরে গিয়েই যুদ্ধাপরাধী মীর কাশেম আলীর পক্ষে আদালতে দাঁড়িয়ে আইনি লড়াই করতে চেয়েছিলেন। এখনো বিচারবিভাগে এই নজরুল ইসলামের সমআদর্শের যেসব সহকর্মী রয়ে গেছেন তাদের কাছ থেকে ঠিক কতটুকু ন্যায়বিচার আমরা পেতে পারি সে ব্যাপারেও আমরা সন্দিহান।
সম্প্রতি মাননীয় প্রধান বিচারপতি আদালতে একটি বক্তব্য রেখেছেন, যেখানে তিনি প্রসিকিউশন ও তদন্তকারী দলের নানা দুর্বলতার কথা বলেছেন। আমরা ধরে নিচ্ছি যে দশটি অভিযোগ ট্রাইব্যুনালে সন্দেহাতীত ভাবে প্রমাণিত হয়েছে তিনি সেগুলোর কথা বলেননি। যে চারটি অভিযোগে শাস্তি দেয়া যায়নি, তিনি সেগুলোর কথাই বলেছেন। মাননীয় প্রধান বিচারপতি যে বক্তব্য দিয়েছেন তা ব্যবহার করে ইতোমধ্যেই দেশি বিদেশি বিভিন্ন চক্র যুদ্ধাপরাধের বিচারপ্রক্রিয়াকে প্রশ্নবিদ্ধ করার চেষ্টা করছে। তাই আমরা প্রত্যাশা করতেই পারি আমাদের প্রধান বিচারপতি মহোদয় এমন কোনো বক্তব্য দিবেন না যা নিয়ে প্রতিক্রিয়াশীল চক্র বিশেষ করে যুদ্ধাপরাধী অপশক্তি কোনো রকম জল ঘোলা করার সুযোগ পায়।
আমরা আরো লক্ষ্য করেছি, প্রসিকিউশন ও তদন্তকারীদলকে অভিযুক্ত করে তিনি বক্তব্য দিয়েছেন কিন্তু তার অধীনস্ত একজন সাবেক বিচারপতির যুদ্ধাপরাধীর পক্ষাবলম্বন করা নিয়ে কোনো বক্তব্য দেন নি অথচ সেটাই যৌক্তিক ছিল কেননা সাবেক বিচারপতি নজরুল ইসলাম রাষ্ট্র ও মানবতাবিরোধী অপরাধীদের মধ্যকার বিচারে মানবতাবিরোধীদের পক্ষাবলম্বন করে মূলত রাষ্ট্রের বিপক্ষেই দাঁড়িয়েছেন”।
কেউই আইনের ঊর্ধ্বে নয় মন্তব্য করে ইমরান এইচ সরকার বলেন, “প্রসিকিউশন, তদন্তকারীদল এমনকি প্রধান বিচারপতি, কেউই কিন্তু আইনের ঊর্ধ্বে নন। তাদেরকে মনে রাখতে হবে, আমরা কেউ ব্যক্তিস্বার্থে এই বিচার চাচ্ছিনা। ২০১৩ সালে গণজাগরণ মঞ্চের আন্দোলন শুরু হওয়ার পর যে পঁচিশ জনের অধিক সহযোদ্ধা প্রাণ দিয়েছেন, তারা প্রত্যেকেই এই মানবতাবিরোধী অপরাধের ন্যায়বিচার নিশ্চিত করে একটি মানবিক বাংলাদেশের জন্যেই লড়াই করে গেছেন। কাজেই কোনো অপশক্তির দ্বারা প্রভাবিত হয়ে এই রায় পরিবর্তিত হলে আমরা কেউই এমনকি আদালতও এর দায় এড়াতে পারবেনা এবং প্রত্যেককেই ইতিহাসের কাঠগড়ায় দাঁড়াতে হবে। কোনো মহল যদি যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের কাছে মাথা নত করেন কিংবা কোনোরকম আপসরফার চেষ্টা করেন, তারা ইতিহাসের আস্তাকুঁড়ে নিক্ষিপ্ত হবেন”।
সবাইকে সজাগ থাকার আহ্বান জানিয়ে ইমরান এইচ সরকার বলেন, “আট তারিখের রায়কে কেন্দ্র করে আমাদের সকলকে সজাগ থাকতে হবে। আদালত অবমাননার ভয় দেখিয়ে আমাদের দাবিয়ে রাখার চেষ্টা করলে তা উপেক্ষা করেই আমাদের রাজপথে প্রতিবাদ জারি রাখতে হবে। যদি এই আলবদর কমান্ডারের মৃত্যুদন্ড ভিন্ন অন্য কোনো রায় হয় তবে জনগণ ধরে নিবে, মীর কাশেম আলীর অর্থবিত্তের কাছে হেরে গিয়ে একে অন্যের উপর দায় চাপিয়ে মূলত এই যুদ্ধাপরাধীকে পার পাইয়ে দেবার নীলনকশাই বাস্তবায়িত হয়েছে। আমরা স্পষ্ট ভাষায় বলতে চাই, এরকম কোনো অপচেষ্টা করা হলে তার দাঁতভাঙা জবাব দেয়ার জন্য জনগণ প্রস্তুত আছে”।
সমাবেশ থেকে নতুন কর্মসূচী ঘোষণা করেন গণজাগরণ মঞ্চের মুখপাত্র। এই কর্মসূচীর মধ্যে রয়েছে ২, ৪, ৬ মার্চ প্রতিদিন বিকাল চারটা থেকে রাত আটটা পর্যন্ত শাহবাগে গণ অবস্থান। এছাড়া প্রতিবারের মতোই আপিল বিভাগ কর্তৃক রায় ঘোষণার দিন,৮ মার্চ সকাল থেকে শাহবাগে অবস্থান কর্মসূচী পালন করবে গণজাগরণ মঞ্চ।
সমাবেশের পর গণজাগরণ মঞ্চের কর্মীরা মশাল মিছিল বের করেন। মিছিলটি ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের টিএসসি ঘুরে আবার শাহবাগে এসে শেষ হয়।
ইমরান এইচ সরকার বলেন, " যদি এই আলবদর কমান্ডারের মৃত্যুদণ্ড ভিন্ন অন্য কোনো রায় হয় তবে জনগণ ধরে নিবে, মীর কাশেম আলীর অর্থবিত্তের কাছে হেরে গিয়ে একে অন্যের উপর দায় চাপিয়ে মূলত এই যুদ্ধাপরাধীকে পার পাইয়ে দেবার নীলনকশাই বাস্তবায়িত হয়েছে। আমরা স্পষ্ট ভাষায় বলতে চাই, এরকম কোনো অপচেষ্টা করা হলে তার দাঁতভাঙা জবাব দেয়ার জন্য জনগণ প্রস্তুত আছে”।
সমাবেশ থেকে নতুন কর্মসূচী ঘোষণা করেন গণজাগরণ মঞ্চের মুখপাত্র। এই কর্মসূচীর মধ্যে রয়েছে ২, ৪, ৬ মার্চ প্রতিদিন বিকাল চারটা থেকে রাত আটটা পর্যন্ত শাহবাগে গণ অবস্থান। এছাড়া প্রতিবারের মতোই আপিল বিভাগ কর্তৃক রায় ঘোষণার দিন,৮ মার্চ সকাল থেকে শাহবাগে অবস্থান কর্মসূচী পালন করবে গণজাগরণ মঞ্চ।
ইমরান এইচ সরকার বলেন, "আমরা দেখেছি সদ্য অবসর নেওয়া একজন বিচারপতি নজরুল ইসলাম চৌধুরী, যিনি এখনও সরকারি সুযোগ-সুবিধা ভোগ করছেন, তিনি কীভাবে অবসরে গিয়েই যুদ্ধাপরাধী মীর কাসেম আলীর পক্ষে আদালতে দাঁড়িয়ে আইনি লড়াই করতে চেয়েছিলেন।
“এখনও বিচার বিভাগে এই নজরুল ইসলামের সমআদর্শের যেসব সহকর্মী রয়ে গেছেন তাদের কাছ থেকে ঠিক কতটুকু ন্যায়বিচার আমরা পেতে পারি সে ব্যাপারেও আমরা সন্দিহান।”
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ইমরান বলেন, ইসলামী ব্যাংকের প্রতিষ্ঠাতা ধনকুবের মীর কাশেম আলী তার অর্থ-বিত্ত- প্রতিপত্তিকে কাজে লাগিয়ে কোনভাবে বিচার প্রক্রিয়াকে বাধাগ্রস্ত করে কিনা সেই আশঙ্কা আমাদের শুরু থেকেই ছিল। নানা সময়ে গণমাধ্যমের খবরে প্রকাশিতও হয়েছে, বিচার প্রক্রিয়াকে বাধাগ্রস্ত করতে মিলিয়ন মিলিয়ন ডলার খরচ করা হয়েছে। এই সকল প্রতিকূলতার মধ্যেও তার বিরুদ্ধে আনীত ১৪টি অভিযোগের মধ্যে দশটি অভিযোগ সন্দেহাতীতভাবে ট্রাইব্যুনালে প্রমাণিত হয়েছে, যার মধ্যে দুটি অপরাধে তাকে মৃত্যুদ- এবং বাকি আটটি অভিযোগে বিভিন্ন মেয়াদে মোট বাহাত্তর বছরের কারাদ-ের রায় দেয়া হয়েছে। আমরা জানি এই মীর কাশেম আলী মহান মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সময় মানবতাবিরোধী অপরাধে জড়িত কুখ্যাত ইসলামী ছাত্রসংঘের সাধারণ সম্পাদক এবং বুদ্ধিজীবী হত্যায় জড়িত ঘাতক আলবদর বাহিনীর দ্বিতীয় সর্বোচ্চ নেতা ছিল। তার বিরুদ্ধে চট্টগ্রামের ডালিম হোটেলে মুক্তিযোদ্ধা ও মুক্তিযুদ্ধের পক্ষের মানুষদের নির্যাতনের যে অভিযোগটি দায়ের করা হয়েছিল তা প্রত্যক্ষদর্শী ১৪ জনের সাক্ষ্যের মাধ্যমে প্রমাণিত হয়েছে।
ইমরান বলেন, সাম্প্রতিক সময়ে বিভিন্ন বক্তব্য বিবৃতিতে এবং বিচার সংশ্লিষ্ট দায়িত্বশীলদের কার্যকলাপে আমাদের মাঝে আশঙ্কার সৃষ্টি হয়েছে যে, এই রাজাকারকে কোনভাবে রক্ষার চেষ্টা হয় কিনা।
যুদ্ধাপরাধী মীর কাশেম আলীকে রক্ষার ষড়যন্ত্রের প্রতিবাদে শাহবাগে সমাবেশ ও মশাল মিছিল করেছে গণজাগরণ মঞ্চ।
বিকাল পাঁচটায় সমাবেশ শুরু হয়। সংক্ষিপ্ত সমাবেশে বক্তব্য রাখেন গণজাগরণ মঞ্চের মুখপাত্র ইমরান এইচ সরকার।
বক্তব্যে তিনি বলেন, “ইসলামী ব্যাংকের প্রতিষ্ঠাতা ধনকুবের মীর কাশেম আলী তার অর্থ-বিত্ত-প্রতিপত্তিকে কাজে লাগিয়ে কোনোভাবে বিচার প্রক্রিয়াকে বাধাগ্রস্ত করে কিনা সেই আশঙ্কা আমাদের শুরু থেকেই ছিল।
নানাসময়ে গণমাধ্যমের খবরে প্রকাশিতও হয়েছে, বিচার প্রক্রিয়াকে বাধাগ্রস্ত করতে মিলিয়ন মিলিয়ন ডলার খরচ করা হয়েছে। এই সকল প্রতিকূলতার মধ্যেও তার বিরুদ্ধে আনীত ১৪ টি অভিযোগের মধ্যে দশটি অভিযোগ সন্দেহাতীত ভাবে ট্রাইব্যুনালে প্রমাণিত হয়েছে, যার মধ্যে দুটি অপরাধে তাকে মৃত্যুদন্ড এবং বাকি আটটি অভিযোগে বিভিন্ন মেয়াদে মোট বাহাত্তর বছরের কারাদণ্ডের রায় দেয়া হয়েছে। আমরা জানি এই মীর কাশেম আলী মহান মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সময় মানবতাবিরোধী অপরাধে জড়িত কুখ্যাত ইসলামি ছাত্রসংঘের সাধারণ সম্পাদক এবং বুদ্ধিজীবী হত্যায় জড়িত ঘাতক আলবদর বাহিনীর দ্বিতীয় সর্বোচ্চ নেতা ছিল। মীর কাশেম আলীর বিরুদ্ধে চট্টগ্রামের ডালিম হোটেলে মুক্তিযোদ্ধা ও মুক্তিযুদ্ধের পক্ষের মানুষদের নির্যাতনের যে অভিযোগটি দায়ের করা হয়েছিল তা প্রত্যক্ষদর্শী ১৪ জনের সাক্ষ্যের মাধ্যমে প্রমাণিত হয়েছে।
সাম্প্রতিকসময়ে বিভিন্ন বক্তব্য বিবৃতিতে এবং বিচারসংশ্লিষ্ট দায়িত্বশীলদের কার্যকলাপে আমাদের মাঝে আশঙ্কার সৃষ্টি হয়েছে যে, এই রাজাকারকে কোনোভাবে রক্ষার চেষ্টা হয় কিনা।
আমরা দেখেছি সদ্য অবসর নেয়া একজন বিচারপতি নজরুল ইসলাম চৌধুরী, যিনি এখনো সরকারি সুযোগসুবিধা ভোগ করছেন, তিনি কিভাবে অবসরে গিয়েই যুদ্ধাপরাধী মীর কাশেম আলীর পক্ষে আদালতে দাঁড়িয়ে আইনি লড়াই করতে চেয়েছিলেন। এখনো বিচারবিভাগে এই নজরুল ইসলামের সমআদর্শের যেসব সহকর্মী রয়ে গেছেন তাদের কাছ থেকে ঠিক কতটুকু ন্যায়বিচার আমরা পেতে পারি সে ব্যাপারেও আমরা সন্দিহান।
সম্প্রতি মাননীয় প্রধান বিচারপতি আদালতে একটি বক্তব্য রেখেছেন, যেখানে তিনি প্রসিকিউশন ও তদন্তকারী দলের নানা দুর্বলতার কথা বলেছেন। আমরা ধরে নিচ্ছি যে দশটি অভিযোগ ট্রাইব্যুনালে সন্দেহাতীত ভাবে প্রমাণিত হয়েছে তিনি সেগুলোর কথা বলেননি। যে চারটি অভিযোগে শাস্তি দেয়া যায়নি, তিনি সেগুলোর কথাই বলেছেন। মাননীয় প্রধান বিচারপতি যে বক্তব্য দিয়েছেন তা ব্যবহার করে ইতোমধ্যেই দেশি বিদেশি বিভিন্ন চক্র যুদ্ধাপরাধের বিচারপ্রক্রিয়াকে প্রশ্নবিদ্ধ করার চেষ্টা করছে। তাই আমরা প্রত্যাশা করতেই পারি আমাদের প্রধান বিচারপতি মহোদয় এমন কোনো বক্তব্য দিবেন না যা নিয়ে প্রতিক্রিয়াশীল চক্র বিশেষ করে যুদ্ধাপরাধী অপশক্তি কোনো রকম জল ঘোলা করার সুযোগ পায়।
আমরা আরো লক্ষ্য করেছি, প্রসিকিউশন ও তদন্তকারীদলকে অভিযুক্ত করে তিনি বক্তব্য দিয়েছেন কিন্তু তার অধীনস্ত একজন সাবেক বিচারপতির যুদ্ধাপরাধীর পক্ষাবলম্বন করা নিয়ে কোনো বক্তব্য দেন নি অথচ সেটাই যৌক্তিক ছিল কেননা সাবেক বিচারপতি নজরুল ইসলাম রাষ্ট্র ও মানবতাবিরোধী অপরাধীদের মধ্যকার বিচারে মানবতাবিরোধীদের পক্ষাবলম্বন করে মূলত রাষ্ট্রের বিপক্ষেই দাঁড়িয়েছেন”।
কেউই আইনের ঊর্ধ্বে নয় মন্তব্য করে ইমরান এইচ সরকার বলেন, “প্রসিকিউশন, তদন্তকারীদল এমনকি প্রধান বিচারপতি, কেউই কিন্তু আইনের ঊর্ধ্বে নন। তাদেরকে মনে রাখতে হবে, আমরা কেউ ব্যক্তিস্বার্থে এই বিচার চাচ্ছিনা। ২০১৩ সালে গণজাগরণ মঞ্চের আন্দোলন শুরু হওয়ার পর যে পঁচিশ জনের অধিক সহযোদ্ধা প্রাণ দিয়েছেন, তারা প্রত্যেকেই এই মানবতাবিরোধী অপরাধের ন্যায়বিচার নিশ্চিত করে একটি মানবিক বাংলাদেশের জন্যেই লড়াই করে গেছেন। কাজেই কোনো অপশক্তির দ্বারা প্রভাবিত হয়ে এই রায় পরিবর্তিত হলে আমরা কেউই এমনকি আদালতও এর দায় এড়াতে পারবেনা এবং প্রত্যেককেই ইতিহাসের কাঠগড়ায় দাঁড়াতে হবে। কোনো মহল যদি যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের কাছে মাথা নত করেন কিংবা কোনোরকম আপসরফার চেষ্টা করেন, তারা ইতিহাসের আস্তাকুঁড়ে নিক্ষিপ্ত হবেন”।
সবাইকে সজাগ থাকার আহ্বান জানিয়ে ইমরান এইচ সরকার বলেন, “আট তারিখের রায়কে কেন্দ্র করে আমাদের সকলকে সজাগ থাকতে হবে। আদালত অবমাননার ভয় দেখিয়ে আমাদের দাবিয়ে রাখার চেষ্টা করলে তা উপেক্ষা করেই আমাদের রাজপথে প্রতিবাদ জারি রাখতে হবে। যদি এই আলবদর কমান্ডারের মৃত্যুদন্ড ভিন্ন অন্য কোনো রায় হয় তবে জনগণ ধরে নিবে, মীর কাশেম আলীর অর্থবিত্তের কাছে হেরে গিয়ে একে অন্যের উপর দায় চাপিয়ে মূলত এই যুদ্ধাপরাধীকে পার পাইয়ে দেবার নীলনকশাই বাস্তবায়িত হয়েছে। আমরা স্পষ্ট ভাষায় বলতে চাই, এরকম কোনো অপচেষ্টা করা হলে তার দাঁতভাঙা জবাব দেয়ার জন্য জনগণ প্রস্তুত আছে”।
সমাবেশ থেকে নতুন কর্মসূচী ঘোষণা করেন গণজাগরণ মঞ্চের মুখপাত্র। এই কর্মসূচীর মধ্যে রয়েছে ২, ৪, ৬ মার্চ প্রতিদিন বিকাল চারটা থেকে রাত আটটা পর্যন্ত শাহবাগে গণ অবস্থান। এছাড়া প্রতিবারের মতোই আপিল বিভাগ কর্তৃক রায় ঘোষণার দিন,৮ মার্চ সকাল থেকে শাহবাগে অবস্থান কর্মসূচী পালন করবে গণজাগরণ মঞ্চ।
সমাবেশের পর গণজাগরণ মঞ্চের কর্মীরা মশাল মিছিল বের করেন। মিছিলটি ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের টিএসসি ঘুরে আবার শাহবাগে এসে শেষ হয়।
ইমরান এইচ সরকার বলেন, " যদি এই আলবদর কমান্ডারের মৃত্যুদণ্ড ভিন্ন অন্য কোনো রায় হয় তবে জনগণ ধরে নিবে, মীর কাশেম আলীর অর্থবিত্তের কাছে হেরে গিয়ে একে অন্যের উপর দায় চাপিয়ে মূলত এই যুদ্ধাপরাধীকে পার পাইয়ে দেবার নীলনকশাই বাস্তবায়িত হয়েছে। আমরা স্পষ্ট ভাষায় বলতে চাই, এরকম কোনো অপচেষ্টা করা হলে তার দাঁতভাঙা জবাব দেয়ার জন্য জনগণ প্রস্তুত আছে”।
সমাবেশ থেকে নতুন কর্মসূচী ঘোষণা করেন গণজাগরণ মঞ্চের মুখপাত্র। এই কর্মসূচীর মধ্যে রয়েছে ২, ৪, ৬ মার্চ প্রতিদিন বিকাল চারটা থেকে রাত আটটা পর্যন্ত শাহবাগে গণ অবস্থান। এছাড়া প্রতিবারের মতোই আপিল বিভাগ কর্তৃক রায় ঘোষণার দিন,৮ মার্চ সকাল থেকে শাহবাগে অবস্থান কর্মসূচী পালন করবে গণজাগরণ মঞ্চ।
ইমরান এইচ সরকার বলেন, "আমরা দেখেছি সদ্য অবসর নেওয়া একজন বিচারপতি নজরুল ইসলাম চৌধুরী, যিনি এখনও সরকারি সুযোগ-সুবিধা ভোগ করছেন, তিনি কীভাবে অবসরে গিয়েই যুদ্ধাপরাধী মীর কাসেম আলীর পক্ষে আদালতে দাঁড়িয়ে আইনি লড়াই করতে চেয়েছিলেন।
“এখনও বিচার বিভাগে এই নজরুল ইসলামের সমআদর্শের যেসব সহকর্মী রয়ে গেছেন তাদের কাছ থেকে ঠিক কতটুকু ন্যায়বিচার আমরা পেতে পারি সে ব্যাপারেও আমরা সন্দিহান।”
ভালোবাসা মহাপাপ.....
কবি নজরুল ইসলাম বলেছেন,
করিনি Love করবো না পাপ,খাইনি ছ্যাঁকা ভালো আছি একা ।আমি বলবো জান,সে করবে ভান।।সাবধান ! Love এর মধ্যে আছে শয়তান ।।.রবি ঠাকুর বলেছেনমদ খাঁ,গাজা খাঁ পারলে একটা বিড়ি খাঁ তবুও,প্রেম করিস না ।কলিজাটা পচেঁ যাক,তবুও মনটাভালো থাক ।।.কবি জসিমদ্দীন বলেছেন,ভালোবাসা মহাপাপ,প্রেম তার অভিশাপ ।ভালোবাসার শেষফল,বুকে ব্যথা চোখে জল ।।
মুসলমানদের ধ্বংস করার ডাক আরএসএসের
ভারতের কেন্দ্রীয় সরকারে থাকা ভারতীয় জনতা পার্টির (বিজেপি) মতাদর্শিক পৃষ্ঠপোষক হিন্দুত্ববাদী সংগঠন রাষ্ট্রীয় স্বয়ংসেবক সংস্থার (আরএসএস) এক আলোচনা সভা থেকে মুসলমানদের বিরুদ্ধে ‘চূড়ান্ত লড়াইয়ের’ মধ্য দিয়ে তাদের ধ্বংস করার হুঁশিয়ারি দেওয়া হয়েছে।
সংঘ পরিবারের পক্ষ থেকে মুসলমানদের ‘রাক্ষস’ ও ‘রাবনের উত্তরসূরি’ হিসেবে আখ্যায়িত করা হয়। ‘মুসলমানদের কোনঠাসা করতে ও রাক্ষসদের ধ্বংস করতে’ হিন্দুদের প্রতি আহ্বানও জানান বক্তারা।
ভারতের প্রভাবশালী দৈনিক ইন্ডিয়ান এক্সপ্রেস খবরটি সোমবার প্রধান শিরোনাম করেছে।
রবিবার উত্তরপ্রদেশের আগ্রাতে বিশ্ব হিন্দু পরিষদের এক কর্মীর শোকসভায় বক্তব্যে উপস্থিতি আলোচকরা এ হুঁশিয়ারি দেন। কয়েকজন মুসলিম যুবকের বিরুদ্ধে অরুণ মাহাউর নামের ওই শ্রমিককে হত্যার অভিযোগ তোলা হয়। আলোচনা সভায় উপস্থিত ছিলেন কেন্দ্রীয় মানবসম্পদ উন্নয়ন প্রতিমন্ত্রী ও বিজেপির এমপি রাম শংকর কাথেরিয়া। ছিলেন বিজেপির ফতেহপুর সিকরির এমপি বাবু লালসহ স্থানীয় নেতারা।
উল্লেখ্য, বিজেপি, আরএসএস ও বিশ্ব হিন্দু পরিষদের নেতাদের দাবি অরুণ মাহাউর গরু রক্ষা করতে গিয়ে মুসলমানদের হামলায় নিহত হয়েছে। তবে পুলিশ এ অভিযোগ অস্বীকার করেছে। পুলিশের দাবি, অভিযুক্ত ৫ মুসলমান যুবক গরু হত্যা বা পাচারে জড়িত না। মাহাউরের সঙ্গে ৫ যুবকের ঝগড়ার পর হত্যার ঘটনা ঘটে।
মুসলমানদের ওপর হামলার দায়ে জেল খেটে মুক্তি পাওয়া বিশ্ব হিন্দু পরিষদের জেলা সেক্রেটারি অশোক লাভানিয়া বলেন, ‘মাহাউরের আত্মত্যাগে মানুষের মাথা নত করা উচিত।’
উত্তরপ্রদেশের আসন্ন বিধানসভা নির্বাচন নিয়ে কথা বলতে গিয়ে বিজেপির স্থানীয় বিধায়ক বলেন, ‘আপনাদের গুলি ছুঁড়তে হবে, হাতে রাইফেল তুলে নিতে হবে, ছুরি চালাতে হবে। নির্বাচন ২০১৭ সালে, কিন্তু এখন থেকেই আপনাদের শক্তি দেখাতে হবে।’
এ সময় উপস্থিত ৫ হাজার মানুষ স্লোগান দেন ‘যে হিন্দুর রক্ত গরম হয় না, সে সত্যিকার হিন্দু না’। কঠোর নিরাপত্তায় আলোচনায় উপস্থিত ছিলেন বিশ্ব হিন্দু পরিষদের সাধারণ সম্পাদক সুরেন্দ্র জয় ও বজরঙ্গ দলের নেতারা। বক্তব্যে সুরেন্দ্র প্রশাসনকে সতর্ক করে বলেন, ‘আপনারা দেখেছেন মুজাফফর নগরে কী ঘটেছে। আগ্রাকে মুজাফফর নগরে রূপান্তরিত করবেন না।’
রাম শংকর কাথেরিয়া বলেন, ‘আমাদের নিজেদের শক্তিশালী করে তুলতে হবে। আমাদের লড়াই শুরু করতে হবে। আমরা যদি লড়াই শুরু না করি তাহলে, আজ আমরা অরুনকে হারিয়েছি, কাল আরেকজনকে হারাব। আরেকজনকে হারানোর আগে আমাদের অবশ্যই নিজেদের শক্তি দেখাতে হবে যাতে খুনিরা পালিয়ে যায়।’
ক্রিকেটার সাব্বির একজন ব্যর্থ প্রেমিক! ৫ বছর আগে…
বর্তমানে দেশের অন্যতম জনপ্রিয় ক্রিকেটার সাব্বির রহমান। ক্রিকেট মাঠে তার চার-ছক্কার আনন্দে মেতে উঠেন দর্শকরা।
এবার ক্রিকেটার সাব্বির রহমান মুথ খুললেন আগে না বলা একটি বিষয় নিয়ে। বিশেষ করে তরুণ-তরণীরা বিস্ময় প্রকাশ না করে পারবেন না সাব্বির রহমানের মুখে বলা তার বাস্তব জীবনের গল্প শুনে।
সাব্বির রহমান পাঁচ বছর আগে এক তরুণীর প্রেমে পড়েছিলেন। কিন্তু সেটা নিয়ে ঘটে গেছে অনেক ঘটনা। সাব্বিরকে ফাঁকি দিয়ে চলে যায় সে মেয়ে। পড়ে সাব্বির একজন ব্যর্থ প্রেমিক হিসাবে ভাবতে শুরু করেন তখন থেকে। এর পর থেকে কেউ প্রেমের প্রস্তাব দিলে সেটাকে সহজভাবে মেনে নিতে পারেন না তিনি।
আর প্রস্তাব আসলে তিনি এক আজব উত্তর দেন। সেটি হলো মানুষের জীবনে প্রেম একবারই আসে। আমিও প্রেমে পড়েছিলাম। সেই থেকে কোনো প্রেমে/সম্পর্কে জড়ান নি বলে এক সাক্ষাৎকারে দাবি করেন সাব্বির রহমান।
জাতীয় দলের নাসির তার ভালো বন্ধু। নাসিরের সাথে সাব্বির অনেক কিছুই শেয়ার করেন। তবে এখন প্রেমের প্রস্তাব পেলে সেটা সাব্বিরের দারুণ ভালো লাগে বলেও জানান তিনি!
Monday, February 29, 2016
বলিউডের প্রতারক অভিনেত্রীরা
শহিদ কাপুরের সঙ্গে কারিনার সম্পর্ক বিয়ে পর্যন্ত গড়াবে বলেই জানত বলিউড। কিন্তু সাইফ আলি খানের সঙ্গে সম্পর্কে জড়িয়ে বেবো নিজেই শহিদের সঙ্গে সম্পর্ক ভেঙে দিয়েছিলেন।
আলিয়া ভাট
প্রথমে ছোটবেলার বন্ধু আলি দাদাদকারের সঙ্গে সম্পর্ক ছিল আলিয়ার। বলিউডে ক্যারিয়ার শুরু করে প্রথমে বরুণ ধাওয়ানের সঙ্গে সম্পর্কে জড়িয়েছিলেন মহেশকন্যা। শোনা যায় তাঁকেও ঠকিয়ে সিদ্ধার্থ মালহোত্রার সঙ্গে সম্পর্কে জড়ান নায়িকা।
শোনা যায় ঐশ্বরিয়ার কাছে প্রতারিত হওয়ার পর ক্যাটরিনার কাছেও একই ব্যবহার পেয়েছিলেন সালমান খান। কারণ তাঁর সঙ্গে কিছুদিন সম্পর্ক থাকার পরই রণবীর কাপুরের সঙ্গে প্রেম করতে শুরু করেন ক্যাট সুন্দরী।
প্রথমে রণবীর সিং নাকি ছিলেন আনুশকা প্রেমিক। তারপর বিরাট কোহলির সঙ্গে তাঁর সম্পর্কের কথা তো সকলেই জানেন। কিন্তু এখন যা পরিস্থিতি তাতে তো মনে হচ্ছে, বিরাটকেও ‘চিট’ করলেন নায়িকা।
সালমান খান এবং বিবেক ওবেরয়ের সঙ্গে একসময় ডেট করতেন ঐশ্বরিয়া রাই বচ্চন। কিন্তু তাঁদেরকে ছেড়ে বিয়ে করেন অভিষেক বচ্চনকে।
এই তালিকা থেকে দীপিকা কি বাদ যেতে পারেন? সিদ্ধার্থ মালিয়া হোন বা রণবীর কাপুর- অনেক হেভিওয়েটকেই ‘চিট’ করেছেন নায়িকা। এখন নাকি রণবীর সিং-এর সঙ্গে থাকছেন তিনি
কঙ্গনা রানাউত
কঙ্গনা রানাউতের প্রেম-কথা বেশ বড়সড়। শোনা যায় আদিত্য পাঞ্চোলি থেকে ব্রিটিশ পরিচালক নিকোলাস লাফেরটি সকলকেই নাকি ‘ডাম্প’ করেছেন তিনি!
তালিকায় আছেন রানি সাহেবাও। প্রেম করলেন অভিষেক বচ্চনের সঙ্গে। অথচ বিয়ে করলেন আদিত্য চোপড়াকে!
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